2026-06-02T16:44:14Z https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/oai

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Foreword Vermonte, Philips J. Suryana, A'an Publishing in academic journals is an important endeavour in the academic world. Academic journals contribute immensely to the progress and accumulation of knowledge, as journals provide platforms for scholars to engage in the contestation of ideas that can spur innovation in their respective fields of study. Muslim Politics Review (MPR) is walking the path to that endeavour. Articles in this journal will reflect the unique contributions that they make in the field of political science and its sub-disciplines, such as comparative politics, public policy, political theory, and international relations. Contributions from other social sciences disciplines, including but not limited to sociology, history, anthropology, economics, and psychology, are also welcome, so long as they intersect with politics. It is important to underline this scope due to MPR’s position as a newly established academic journal focusing on politics. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/48 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.48 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 1-2 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/48/87 Copyright (c) 2022 Philips J. Vermonte, A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Thinking About Muslim Politics Piscatori, James Muslim politics Muslim societies Covid-19 pandemic ulama fatwas Vast public attention has been devoted to the politics of Muslim societies, much of it prompted – and distorted – by the rise of radical Islamism, and there has been a corresponding and voluminous academic literature on the subject.  A central debate centres on whether ‘Islam’ is a formative factor or not and, if it is, how is it determining.  A prevalent view is that Muslim politics stems, as does all politics, from structural factors such as institutional development, political economy, and social stratification, among others.  Islam is often seen in instrumental terms as facilitating or indeed hindering the drive for and wielding of power and influence in public life.  While these contextual factors are undeniably relevant, basic values and norms are also consequential and often motivational. Political culture, which has fallen out of favour in contemporary social science, thus has a role to play. Muslim traditions and symbols can have societal impact, even as their meanings, and control over them, may be debated. The Covid-19 pandemic provides examples of how the political process can be affected by Islam-shaped perspectives as seen in different interpretations of what is religiously permissible and reactions to state control. ‘Muslim politics’ is a kind of politics that builds on culturally specific normative orders that are self-consciously expressed by various agents who presume to speak for Islam, but whose authority and modes of influence may be, and often are, contested. The concept of ‘Muslim politics’ is a window through which observers of Muslim societies can supplement understanding of collective action by an appreciation for the meanings that people attach to it. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/49 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.49 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 3-21 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/49/88 Copyright (c) 2022 James Piscatori https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Muslim Politics Between Sharia and Democracy Kuru, Ahmet T. Ulema state democracy sharia Muslim politics Turkey Iran secularism Out of 50 Muslim-majority countries around the world, only six are electoral democracies. This problem has multiple material and ideational causes. This essay focuses on one ideational factor: the dominant method of Islamic law. The essay explains how this method became dominant after the eleventh century and why it causes the incompatibility between sharia (Islamic law) and democracy. The essay suggests further research to be published in Muslim Politics Review and other journals about how to develop alternative Islamic legal methods, which would be open to rationalism and empirical observations. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/50 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.50 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 23-39 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/50/89 Copyright (c) 2022 Ahmet T. Kuru https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Behavioural Approaches to Muslim Politics: The State of the Art Mujani, Saiful political behaviour political attitudes Islam Islamism political development democracy The behavioural approach to Muslim politics in academic literature is a recent development. The approach emerged only in the early twenty-first century, largely as most Muslim-majority nations have been autocracies constraining the freedom of speech required to study political attitudes and behaviour. Many behaviourally driven studies have examined dimensions of Islam as predictors of political attitudes and behaviorr. These include religious affiliation, religiosity, and religious political orientation. While democracy is rare in Muslim majority nations, at the individual level, Muslim religious affiliation and religiosity only partially predict political attitudes and behaviour. Taking an expansive measure of Islamism or Islamic ideology helps us understand this, as it potentially predicts the absence of liberal democracy in Muslim countries. To do this successfully, however, more realistic external validity is required. Scholars still often define and measure Islamism differently, therefore a more standardised measure is required for comparative study. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/51 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.51 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 41-57 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/51/90 Copyright (c) 2022 Saiful Mujani https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Exploring the Social-Political Nexus in Islam: A Comparison of the Middle East and Southeast Asia Fealy, Greg Political Islam Shari’a Law Muslim Brotherhood Salafist One of the fulcrums of change in political Islam is the relationship between traditional patterns of Islamic politics, which focus upon the pursuit and wielding of formal power, particularly with the aim of enacting of shari’a law, and the more recent emergence of dynamic social spheres of Islamic activism, which emphasise values and moral order and operate with considerable autonomy from Islamic parties. This article explores the nature of the interactions between political and social activism and identifies the ways in which more established form of political Islam are changing as a result of pressure from the social realm.  It compares case studies from the Middle East and Southeast Asia, paying particular attention to Muslim Brotherhood and Salafist expressions of social and political activism in both regions.  It argues that burgeoning pietistic social activism presents both challenges and opportunities to Islamic political actors, and that failure to engage with these new forces will lead to further marginalisation and the risk of declining relevance. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/52 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.52 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 59-77 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/52/91 Copyright (c) 2022 Greg Fealy https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Gordian Knot of Ethno-Religious Nationalism: Unsettled National Questions and Contested Visions Rahim, Lily Zubaidah ethno-nationalists religious nationalists comparative study Malaysia United States of America The early twenty-first century has witnessed a rising number of global crises. These include climate change, widening income inequality, military and nuclear tensions between the major powers, repeated outbreaks of global pandemics, and an ongoing democratic recession. In particular, the deepening democratic recession has afflicted ostensibly both mature and newer democracies – contradicting theories of political development. In many countries, the political alliance between ethno- and religious nationalists has reignited assaults against democratic institutions, processes, and norms. This comparative country-case study, principally of Malaysia and the United States of America (US), explores the alliance between ethno- and religious nationalists by examining the forces and factors that have contributed to this combustible dynamic within the context of unsettled national questions, contested constitutional orders, and foundational national visions. Also examined are the narratives of fear, victimhood and privilege that have galvanised religious and ‘sons of the soil’ ethno-nationalists in resisting the building of inclusive multiracial democracies. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/53 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.53 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 79-106 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/53/92 Copyright (c) 2022 Lily Zubaidah Rahim https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Why Muslims Lag Behind Their Western Counterparts Suryana, A'an Reopening Muslim Minds: A Return to Reason, Freedom, and Tolerance. Mustafa Akyol. St. Martin’s Essentials (2021) This book explains why Muslims lag behind their Western counterparts, arguing that Muslim backwardness is due to deep-seated religious discourses that are detrimental to Muslim progress. These adverse discourses, such as anti-science stances, narrow views on jihad, and ongoing discrimination against women, are prevalent in many Muslim countries because they are sustained not only by religious authorities but also political ones. This results in mainstream practices of Islam that hinder development, such as the failure of Muslim societies in promoting common sense and reason that are crucial in spurring, for example, social and economic innovations that support progress. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/54 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.54 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 107-109 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/54/96 Copyright (c) 2022 A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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On the Concept of Umma in World Politics Ridwan, Ridwan Islam Beyond Borders: The Umma in World Politics. James Piscatori & Amin Saikal. Cambridge University Press (2019)The concept of the Umma is elusive, with a wide array of meanings and interpretations. It is used differently by various circles within the Muslim community and states. To date, most Muslims comprehend Umma scripturally as a bond among Muslims everywhere, both majority and minority, with which the two entities are united by Islamic law. Furthermore, most traditional Muslims interpret the concept of Umma more spiritually as a type of family in the faith. Although departing from the doctrine of the Qur’an, the concept of the Umma has never been singular. Whereas the network of trust has driven the goal of ‘one community’ of faith, some perceive the Umma as not requiring territory, while others see it as competition with the modern nation-state. These different interpretations even go so far as an extreme interpretation of the Umma in pan-Islamism which has been suspected by the West of being an attitude of hostility and aggressiveness towards non-Muslims. Despite the diversity of interpretations of the dominant concept of the Umma being scriptural and spiritual, it has not been widely studied from the political Islam paradigm. Therefore, a thick description of the concept will enrich the literature for Muslims exposed to globalisation and social change globally. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/56 10.56529/mpr.v1i1.56 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 1 (2022); 111-113 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/56/95 Copyright (c) 2022 Ridwan Ridwan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Foreword Suryana, A'an This journal is meant to be an international journal. Hence, articles that we publish in this journal shall represent international coverage. This second edition of this journal just does that. It consists of six (6) articles that examines issues related to Muslim politics in at least four different countries: Indonesia, Turkey, Malaysia and Egypt. Two articles on Indonesia examine, respectively, the conservative turn of subcultural youth and the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang in 1950s. Two other articles are comparative studies: one article discusses the contemporary narratives of leftist Islam movements in Indonesia and Turkey; and the other compares the number of religious legislations in Indonesia with those of other democratic states to gauge the level/quality of democracy in Indonesia. The remaining two articles exclusively discuss social and political issues in Malaysia and Egypt. The Malaysia article examines the history of women’s involvement in politics from the time of the Malay Sultanate until post-World War II in Malaya, which now forms the modern territories of Malaysia and Singapore. The article on Egypt discusses major shift in the discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood movement, from the advocacy for restoring the Caliphate to the call for a modern civic state. Future editions of this journal shall cover political issues in more Muslim countries to further strengthen this journal’s credential as international journal. To attain that objective, scholars from around the world are warmly welcome to write articles for our journal. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/57 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.57 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 115 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/57/97 Copyright (c) 2022 A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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'More Than Just Devotion': The Conservative Turn Among Subcultural Muslim Youths in the Indonesian Underground Music Scene Saefullah, Hikmawan Punk Subculture Hijrah Political Economy Conservative Turn Muslim Subculture Resistance Scholars of Indonesian politics and Islam use the phrase ‘conservative turn’ to explain the increasing religious influence in contemporary Indonesia’s social, political, and cultural life. Although their literature provides insightful explanations about this trend, scholars fail to include subcultural Muslim youths in their analyses. The term ‘subcultural youths’ in this context refers to a diffuse network of young people that share distinctive identities, ideas, and cultural practices associated with underground music subcultures (such as punk, hardcore, hip-hop, metal, and ska) as a way to deal with a sense of marginalisation and/or to oppose mainstream society. In Indonesia in the 1990s, these youths were mostly secular, pluralist, and politically progressive and leftist. Their community welcomed all people from any social background, and religion was considered a personal matter. The social, political, and economic conditions following the fall of the New Order regime (1966-1998) changed the nature of this community. Some of its participants shifted ideologically and organisationally to Islamic conservatism and right-wing Islamism, marked by their support of and involvement in various movements such as the Islamic underground movement and the hijrah movement. This paper attempts to fill a gap within the existing literature on the conservative turn of subcultural youths in Indonesia by introducing the most recent subcultural theory as an analytical framework that can be used to explain the ideological and organisational shift. Studying the conservative turn of subcultural Muslim youths from a perspective that emphasises critical political economy allows this paper to present new insights against conventional wisdom and purely culturalist readings of the conservative turn in Indonesia. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/58 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.58 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 117-152 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/58/98 Copyright (c) 2022 Hikmawan Saefullah https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Contemporary Narratives of Leftist Islam Movements in Indonesia and Turkey: A Comparative Analysis Robby, Hadza Min Fadhli Maulidan, Muhammad Rizky, Zuliyan M. Leftist Islam FNKSDA Misbach Kapitalizmle Mücadele DerneÄŸi Turkish Marxist movement This research analyses the contemporary narratives of leftist Islam movements being developed as a counter-narrative to dominant Islamic discourse in Indonesia and Turkey. These leftist Islam movements were introduced under different circumstances in the two countries. In Indonesia, leftist Islam was initially promoted by Islamic scholars who were interacting with Marxist references. This was shown in the cases of Haji Misbach, who was one of Indonesia’s – and the world’s – first leftist Muslim figures. In the case of Turkey, some leftist Islamic movements were inspired by the modern Turkish Marxist movement, which emerged in the middle of the twentieth century and was eventually combined with Islamic elements. This research argues that as both Indonesian and Turkish governments are consolidating their modes of authoritarian neoliberal governance, combined with increasing religiosity, the narratives of leftist Islam are re-emerging as a way to provide socio-political criticisms and to formulate alternative ideas on the role of Islam in improving the livelihood of Muslims in Indonesia and Turkey. This research engages with several cases of leftist Islamic movements in Indonesia and Turkey. In Indonesia, this research takes the examples of FNKSDA (Nahdliyyin Front for Natural Resource Sovereignty) and its media outlet Islam Bergerak (Islam on the Move) which have had an important role in organising leftist Islamic movement in Indonesia during the 2010s. In the case of Turkey, we examine the role of Antikapitalist Müslümanlar (Anti-Capitalist Muslims), also known as Kapitalizmle Mücadele Derneği (Association for Fight against Capitalism). This research identifies the socio-political origins, main ideas, goals, and strategies of the contemporary leftist Islam movements in Indonesia and Turkey. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/59 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.59 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 153-183 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/59/99 Copyright (c) 2022 Hadza Min Fadhli Robby, Muhammad Maulidan, Zuliyan M. Rizky https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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How Illiberal is Indonesia's Democracy? A Comparative Perspective on Indonesia's State Enforcement of Religion Metera, Gde Dwitya Arief Religion Enforcement Religion and State Indonesia's Illiberal Democracy Recent appraisals of Indonesia’s political regime identify a deterioration of democratic quality, captured by a plethora of concepts such as democratic backsliding, democratic decline, and democratic regression. This deterioration compels scholars to conclude that Indonesia, in its current state, is an illiberal democracy, effectively displacing earlier optimism that Indonesian democracy will eventually be consolidated. This article engages the emerging literature on democratic decline and the rise of illiberal democracy in Indonesia by identifying a key source of its illiberal features. It makes the case linking Indonesia’s illiberal democracy with the involvement of the state in enforcing religion, as seen in the number of existing religious legislations. State enforcement of religion necessarily entails the curtailment of religious freedom, specifically freedom from religion, as the religiosity of Indonesian citizens is forced to shift from voluntary to compulsory. A liberal democracy, by definition,  should not curtail individual liberty in general nor religious freedom in particular. This article then takes a comparative perspective on Indonesia by comparing the number of religious legislations in Indonesia with those of other democratic states, globally utilizing data from Religion and State (RAS) 3 and V-Dem dataset. The examination yields the observation that Indonesia has a far higher number of religious legislations than the average democracy globally. It indicates a significant level of involvement of the Indonesian state in enforcing religion. In that respect, Indonesia is unusually illiberal for a democracy. The article also emphasizes how religious legislations are mostly found in certain regions, and provides ethnographic evidence of how fasting as a religious norm is enforced during the month of Ramadan in South Kalimantan. This article concludes by reflecting on the uneven democratic quality at the subnational level. Decentralization and the uneven distribution of rights to subnational governments underlie the concentration of religious bylaws in only specific regions of the archipelago. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/60 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.60 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 185-207 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/60/100 Copyright (c) 2022 Gde Dwitya Arief Metera https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Islamic Populism in Palembang in the 1950s Viana, Ryllian Chandra Eka Islamic Populism Palembang Local Politics Political Turbulence This study discusses the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang in the 1950s. In the official narratives of Indonesian history, the political turbulence in Palembang that occurred in the mid-1950s is often associated with a regional Army commander-led rebellion. This research instead finds that Islamic groups played a crucial role in developing the preliminary conditions before the military group took the initiative to pull the trigger. Islamic groups, through their network of ulama, tried to unite all groups opposed to Jakarta’s leadership and communism to incorporate under one umbrella of political identity: Islam. We determine that the emergence of Islamic populism in Palembang was caused by multiple grievances: economic decline, redistribution of welfare to the region, the exclusion of Islamic groups, and the fear of communism. However, Islamic populism only succeeded in uniting factions in the Islamic community but failed to reach other groups because of the social cleavages from previous feuds. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/61 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.61 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 209-226 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/61/101 Copyright (c) 2022 Ryllian Chandra Eka Viana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Decolonization of Feminism in the Malayan Nationalist Movement: A Case Study of Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh Jamil, Asyiqah Binti Mohamad Abdullah, Asilatul Hanaa Binti Decolonization Malay Nationalism Malay Women’s Movement Ibu Zain Shamsiah Fakeh The misrepresentation of Southeast Asians throughout history was often the results of the White Man’s burden doctrine practiced by Western colonialists, which clouded their perceptions of Southeast Asians, resulting in claims that Southeast Asians were inferior. This Eurocentric idea has distorted the representation of colonized nations in general. However, the worst Eurocentric fallacy is regarding Muslim women in Southeast Asia. They were not only misrepresented but also intimidated by the patriarchal nature of orientalism. Muslim women were, and indeed often still are, viewed as vulnerable victims that need to be saved from their men, making them quarry of double oppression. The most unfortunate part is even many modern white feminists still subscribe to these Eurocentric ideas. Thus, this paper aims to decolonize this narrative by illustrating the history of women’s involvement in politics from the time of the Malay Sultanate until post-World War II Malaya. This research also explores women’s participation in the far-right and far-left political movements in Malaya, with special references to Ibu Zain and Shamsiah Fakeh. We demonstrate the independence of Malayan women and affirm that they were well-presented in Malayan politics over this period of time. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/62 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.62 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 227-242 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/62/102 Copyright (c) 2022 Asyiqah Binti Mohamad Jamil, Asilatul Hanaa Binti Abdullah https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Muslim Brotherhood: From the Caliphate to the Modern Civic State Sayed, Mohamed Muslim Brotherhood Caliphate al-Banna Egyptian Revolution The Muslim Brotherhood plays a prominent role in the politics of many Muslim countries as one of the largest Islamist groups. As a politico-social movement, the Muslim Brotherhood has gone through many tactical and ideological shifts over the past 90 years since its founding in 1928. Studying these shifts and the reasoning behind them can help us to understand the behaviour of certain groups. This paper studies one of the major shifts in the discourse of the movement, from the advocacy for restoring the Caliphate to the call for a modern civic state, despite the idea of the Caliphate having been one of the core motives behind the founding of the Brotherhood. This paper traces the change in Muslim Brotherhood discourse of the Caliphate through a thick analysis of the writings and statements of the prominent leaders of the group, starting with Brotherhood’s founder, al-Banna, and progressing to the leaders of the 2011 Egyptian Revolution.  This paper examines this shift’s degree of significance and its underlying rationale. Instead of addressing changes collectively, each change is considered individually to gain further insight into the incentives driving the major shift under study, namely the overhaul of the political discourse of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in so far as shifting from adopting the caliphate to the modern civic state. This shift in the Caliphate discourse is approached singularly, opening room for exclusive explanations that are unique to the altered concept. While a wholesale approach that treats changes as a collective succeeds in explaining the changes within some social and political movements, it ignores substantial factors and elements that are advantageous for profound understanding of the case in question. The shift in the Caliphate discourse, though it was not significant in practice, is useful in suggesting an alternative method for the justification of tactical and ideological shifts of the Muslim Brotherhood. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/63 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.63 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 243-259 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/63/103 Copyright (c) 2022 Mohamed Sayed https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Rise of Indonesia Diplomatic Power Deliana, Nia Indonesia’s a Foreign Policy and Grand Strategy in the 21st Century: Rise of an Indo-Pacific Power. Vibhanshu Shekhar. Routledge, Taylor and FrancisNumerous experts have pointed out the changing nature of global order in the twenty-first century. As one of the world’s middle powers, Indonesia has been claiming the title of the rising power in the Indo-Pacific region through upgrading its foreign policies and attitudes in international relations. To look further into the realities, challenges, and prospects of Indonesia’s shifting foreign policy and projection of its global strategy, Vibhanshu Shekhar has authored a 250-page book of six chapters that concentrates on three keys elements: Indonesia’s emerging power, status signalling, and the Indo-Pacific region. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/64 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.64 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 261-263 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/64/104 Copyright (c) 2022 Nia Deliana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Social and Political Life of Armenians in the Holy Land Kostanian, Ararat A Palestinian Armenian: The Intertwine between the Social and the Political. Varsen Aghabekian. Dar al-Kalima University Press (2021)The Armenian presence in the Middle East, and in the Holy City in particular, goes back thousands of years. Armenians’ presence in the territory dates back to 420AD when they participated in the construction of St James (Sourp Hagop) Convent. By the sixth century, they had constructed sixty-six religious institutions in Jerusalem. Currently, they still play a big role in the social and religious life in the Holy Land, where the Armenian Quarter stands as the one of the essential religious and ethnic pillars of the old city next to the Muslim, Christian, and Jewish quarters. The Holy Land refers to Palestinian territory and some parts of Israel, an area roughly located between the Mediterranean Sea and the Eastern Bank of the Jordan River. But this book is not solely about the history of the Armenians’ presence in Palestine. As reflected in its title, The Intertwine Between the Social and the Political, this book is about the past and the present of the Armenians of Palestine with implications about their future role in Palestinian nation-building. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2022-12-25 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/65 10.56529/mpr.v1i2.65 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 1 No. 2 (2022); 265-268 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/65/105 Copyright (c) 2022 Ararat Kostanian https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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"Hearts, Hands and Heads": Exploring the Relationship Between Disengagement and Deradicalization Through Counter Violent Extremism Project Implementation in Indonesia Brailey, Malcolm Ismail, Noor Huda Amir, Iwan Terrorism experts continue to debate how and why people become radicalised and commit violence. Significantly less emphasis and coherence of thought has been deployed to understand those processes in reverse. From the perspective of counterterrorism practitioners within both government and civil society, the question has tended to bifurcate around two contrasting conceptual approaches: should the focus be on ‘deradicalization’ (an internal or philosophical outcome seeking change in beliefs, values and attitudes) or ‘disengagement’ (a social or temporal outcome seeking change in behaviours away from violence)? This article seeks to contribute to the debate about how disengagement functions and stands as a practical and effective counterterrorism methodology, and is based on detailed analysis of field work and project implementation in Indonesia. This article and the methodologies implemented and tested are grounded in previous research on disengagement of Indonesian jihadists and countering violent extremism (CVE) projects conducted by several of the authors over many years, and extends and codifies the findings of a valuable body of earlier academic literature. The authors argue that a disengagement process grounded in the social methodology of personal mentoring (defined infra this paper by a process we have called ‘Hearts, Hands and Heads’) can achieve a measurable and meaningful change in how individuals withdraw from violent extremist networks. This article will further show why disengagement programs in Indonesia should prioritise targeting specific at-risk groups, including returned foreign fighters, who have been known to conduct terrorist activities in Indonesia as well as advocate for their cause and recruit more effectively than those that have never been to Syria or other conflict zones. With the proper implementation, disengagement can be an effective preventive tool in Indonesia in addition to preparing the groundwork for later, more formal deradicalization processes and programs. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/140 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.140 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 2-20 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/140/138 Copyright (c) 2023 Malcolm Brailey, Noor Huda Ismail, Iwan Amir https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Impact of Non-Violent Muslim Extremism: Reflections on Indonesia and Malaysia Saat, Norshahril Numerous pieces of research have addressed the issue of terrorism and radicalism in Southeast Asia, and security studies are inundated with works covering its origin, function, and impact. However, this article argues that equal attention should be given to non-violent extremism and its impact on societies at the discursive level. By examining case studies from Indonesia and Malaysia, two Muslim-majority nations, this article contends that the question is not whether non-violent extremism directly or indirectly leads to terrorism, but how it can also shape policies and regulations through lobbying, trigger mass political mobilization, and nurture intolerance and hatred towards minority groups. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/141 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.141 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 21-39 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/141/139 Copyright (c) 2023 Norshahril Saat https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Social Media as a Space for Islamophobia: COVID and Social-Environment Crisis Management Chakraborty, Swati The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed an emergency of prejudice and savagery via social media by traditional ‘patriots’ in India. Meta, Twitter, and Instagram have turned into digital spaces full of deception about the pandemic. Hindu Instagram accounts such as @Hindu_secrets and @Hindu_he_hum have been unwavering and dedicated in spreading Islamophobic crusades by utilizing the COVID-19 pandemic. This has opened doors for hatred directed at Muslim people in India. This study situates itself inside the system of Stuart Hall's encoding and translating hypothesis to reveal the visual and printed codes used to make shameful and obtrusive generalizations that dehumanize and slander specific networks utilizing social media platforms. This is an explorative request that took part through a semiotic examination of the Instagram accounts of @Hindu_secrets and @Hindu_he_hum. The review tracked down encoded generalizations of danger in the utilization of variety, strict designs, garments, and other actual markers of social character in producing Islamophobic content. COVID-19 was depicted to as having Islamic parentage in the images; consequently, it depicted the Muslim people group as sustaining and deliberately spreading the infection across India and abroad. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/142 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.142 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 40-65 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/142/140 Copyright (c) 2023 Swati Chakraborty https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Precarious Coexistence in Maluku: Fear and Trauma in Post-Conflict Christian-Muslim Relations Riyanto, Geger This paper examines the precarious coexistence between Muslims and Christians in post- conflict Maluku, Indonesia. The lasting effects of brutal conflict have left fear and trauma as the dominant emotions in the relationships of local residents. While these emotions are commonly seen as hindrances to peace by scholars and non-scholars alike, in post-conflict societies, they are inescapable and deeply ingrained. Nevertheless, they not only drive division, but also the desire to maintain peace. In Maluku, both Christians and Muslims are bound by the shared understanding that their current peaceful coexistence is delicate, and they must be cautious in their interactions with people of different religions, despite ongoing animosity and mistrust. This ongoing reality in Maluku calls for a reassessment of the normative tendency in peace discourses, which expect peace to be either ideal or impaired and tend not to be contextual in evaluating peace. To understand post-conflict coexistence better, we need to comprehend how emotions towards other groups operate in the emerging social settings. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/143 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.143 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 66-87 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/143/141 Copyright (c) 2023 Geger Riyanto https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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How Do Economic Conditions Influence Support for Democracy? Amri, Puspa D. Abundant political economy work has found that societies tend to be less supportive of the political system that governs their country when the economy deteriorates. This paper seeks to enrich the existing literature on economic and democratic assessments by including the relatively under-explored group of developing countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, many of which are Muslim countries.  Using public opinion data from the World Values Survey of 78 countries from 2005 to 2020, the author applies multi-level regressions to test whether the relationship between democratic support and economic growth varies along three dimensions: country affluence, MENA versus non-MENA regions, and type of political regime. Consistent with past studies, the findings in this paper confirm that higher real gross domestic product (GDP) per capita growth significantly enhances public support for democracy. However, it also identifies that the more robustly significant predictors of public support for democracy are political variables, particularly evaluation of government performance. The interaction variables analysis reveals that the effects of economic growth on public support for democracy is weaker in the presence of higher country affluence as well as in more liberal democracies, while being located in the MENA region strengthens the relationship between economic growth and public support for democracy. In addition, respondents who consider free and fair elections as well as protection of civil liberties to be essential features of democracy tend to be more supportive of democracy itself. Meanwhile, those who associate democracy with redistributive policies tend to have a more negative assessment of democracy. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/144 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.144 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 88-111 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/144/142 Copyright (c) 2023 Puspa D. Amri https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Ethnicity and Democracy: Managing Political Complexities in West Papua Sasmita, A Sudiana This paper aims to reveal the relationship between ethnicity and democracy in the regencies of South Sorong in West Papua Province and Keerom in Papua Province, both situated in Indonesia’s easternmost island of Papua. By using Madisonian practice to examine the ethnic party and separatist logics in both regencies, this study explores the presence of cooperation, representation, and accommodation between ethno-religious identities in South Sorong, as well as between Indigenous Papuans (orang asli Papua) and the majority Muslim non-Papuan migrants (pendatang) in Keerom. The findings of this qualitative study suggest that there is a relationship between ethnicity and democracy that can be used in a positive way for promoting peace and resolving conflict. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/145 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.145 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 112-132 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/145/143 Copyright (c) 2023 A Sudiana Sasmita https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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On Understanding Islam Taufiq, Firmanda Understanding Islam: Position of Knowledge. Bryan S. Turner, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2023. Paperback 210 pp. ISBN 978-1-4744-9874-6. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/146 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.146 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 133-134 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/146/144 Copyright (c) 2023 Firmanda Taufiq https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Foreword Suryana, A'an This journal focuses on the multifaceted relationships between politics and all other aspects of human life (religious, social, and economic developments) in the Muslim world. Its scope is broad, covering a wide array of articles from all disciplinary backgrounds which theoretically and empirically contribute to the above developments in Muslim states and societies. The focus and the scope are extremely important in academic journal publication because these provisions help distinguish this journal from other international journals. Scholars in the world can turn to our journal when they seek articles that discuss the important topics that fall within this journal’s focus and scope. Hence, we strive to maintain this focus and scope in every edition of this journal. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/147 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.147 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 1 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/147/137 Copyright (c) 2023 A'an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Governance of Religious Diversity Attaftazani, Muhammad Ikhsan Routledge Handbook on the Governance of Religious Diversity. Edited by Anna Triandafyllidou and Tina Magazzini, London and New York: Routledge, 2021, xix+327pp, $ 52.95, ISBN: 978-0-367-53826-2 The Routledge Handbook on the Governance of Religious Diversity examines state-religion relations in more than 20 countries across the world. It particularly looks at how these states manage religious diversity. This book discusses that, in ancient times, empires and kingdoms, which were the embodiment of the states, used religion as a tool to control people. In modern times, many countries have become more secularized, hence the role of religion as a tool of control has diminished. States increasingly neglect the role of religion and religious people in society. This book argues that states with secularist ideology still need to pay attention to the role of religion in society. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-06-26 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/148 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.148 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023); 135-136 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/148/145 Copyright (c) 2023 Muhammad Ikhsan Attaftazani https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Global Maritime Fulcrum as A Strategic Narrative: A Critical Examination of Its Emergence, Conveyance, and Decline in Indonesian Strategic Discourse Agastia, I Gusti Bagus Dharma In 2014, President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo declared he would lead Indonesia, the most populous Muslim nation on earth, to become a ‘global maritime fulcrum’ (GMF). His announcement was taken as a sign of Indonesia’s commitment to be a more active participant in regional maritime security. This nascent maritime vision, however, suffers from endogenous flaws, ranging from personal leadership to widespread bureaucratic deficiencies, culminating in its recession from Indonesian political discourse. This paper seeks to understand how and why the GMF receded from political discourse through the lens of strategic narrative. It finds that technocratic appeal serves as a stronger legitimating method of the GMF compared to other forms, which is due to agential preferences aligning with domestic structural conditions, resulting in development narratives being favoured over maritime-related narratives. The relationship results in government priorities being skewed towards the infrastructure aspect of the GMF at the cost of the other aspects. To demonstrate this argument, this paper analyses an original dataset of 267 speeches and statements, both in English and Indonesian, delivered by key government officials related to formulating and implementing the GMF concept from 2014 to 2021, in addition to relevant policy documents. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/150 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.150 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 284-317 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/150/170 Copyright (c) 2023 I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Global Islam and Political Patronage: Examining the Rise of Muslim Politics in Cambodia Hasram, Khaidir This article seeks to study Muslim political activism in Cambodia, a predominantly Buddhist-Monarch state in mainland Southeast Asia that is often considered a semi-authoritarian regime. Cambodia’s Muslim community constitutes a minority. However, they have actively participated in formal politics, aligning themselves with both the ruling and opposition parties. This engagement has culminated in several Muslim individuals sit in political positions within the government. Additionally, high-ranking Muslims have cultivated close ties with government authorities and the monarchy. This article is grounded in fieldwork conducted during 2017-2018, complemented by up-to-date information obtained from desk research and online interviews with research subjects. This article argues that the current wave of Muslim political activism in Cambodia can be seen as a continuation of the historical patron-client relationship between Muslims and local rulers. In contemporary times, this relationship has evolved, manifesting as patterns of clientelism, with Muslims positioned within the political framework of Cambodia’s ruling party. In this context, Muslims receive protection and are ensured access to political participation. Moreover, this article emphasises the role of connections to the global Muslim world as a significant political asset, enabling Cambodian Muslims to exert a considerable influence on the nation's political landscape. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/172 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.172 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 208-237 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/172/168 Copyright (c) 2023 Khaidir Hasram https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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On the Erosion of France’s National Values (Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité) Basri, Muhammad Ridha The Republic, Secularism and Security France versus the Burqa and the Niqab by Raphael Cohen-Almagor. Switzerland: Springer. 2022. This book contributes significantly in explaining ambivalence or paradoxical situations in France. Through its motto (liberté, égalité, fraternité), the country has been promoting and implementing liberalism and secularism for many years, yet at the same time, the country is increasingly illiberal, as shown by its policy banning the burqa and niqab in 2010. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/181 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.181 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 214-215 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/181/206 Copyright (c) 2024 Muhammad Ridha Basri https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Before Westphalia: Imagining An Alternative Asian Globalization Noor, Farish The world order as it is known and understood today was built upon the foundations of imperialism and colonialism. It must be acknowledged that the very epistemologies and vocabularies that we use in the domains of diplomacy, international relations and politics are part of the legacy of Empire as well. This paper asks, is it possible for us to rethink and/or re-imagine an alternative global system that reconnects with the realities of socio-economic and socio-political life across the Asian continent and the world of the Indian Ocean prior to the arrival of Western imperialism? And, if that is indeed possible, would this also open up new opportunities for us to imagine the manner through which we – as postcolonial Asian and African scholars and subjects – represent ourselves and the ‘Western Other’? Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/202 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.202 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 140-162 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/202/165 Copyright (c) 2023 Farish Noor https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Shifting Politics Between Muslim States & Israel: From the Khartoum Declaration to the Abraham Accords Faheema, Nazhath The Israel-Palestine conflict has long hindered diplomatic ties between Israel and many Arab and Muslim countries. However, a significant shift occurred in 1979, when Egypt normalised relations, followed by Jordan in 1994 and the Abraham Accords in 2020. These normalisation efforts signal a move from pan-Arab stance against Israel, based on the 1967 Khartoum Declaration, to a regional partnership driven by Arab states’ national interests. Despite establishing diplomatic relations, the need to achieve lasting stability and peace in the region necessitates addressing the Israel-Palestine issue comprehensively. The existence of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel, ensuring safety for both Palestinians and Jews, is crucial. This imperative has become even more apparent in the 2023 Israel-Hamas war. Any renewed normalisation efforts between Arab states and Israel should learn from the precedents set in earlier waves of normalisation, but prioritising a better solution for the Israel-Palestine conflict is essential for the stability and peace in the Middle East. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/203 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.203 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 163-207 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/203/166 Copyright (c) 2023 Nazhath Faheema https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Promoting Indonesian Moderate Islam on the Global Stage: Non-State Actors’ Soft Power Diplomacy in the Post-New Order Era Nubowo, Andar This paper investigates why and how Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have engaged in the soft power diplomacy of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia and how they mobilise their vast resources and networks to do so. The nefarious effects of radical extremism have invited the Muslim world, including Indonesia, to revert to the notion of Islamic moderation, a justly balanced Islam (wasatiyyat Islam), and to promote it nationally and globally. In this sense, both state and non-state actors, such as Muhammadiyah and NU, have pulled themselves into soft power diplomacy. Drawing upon the lens of soft power and public diplomacy theory, this paper finds that Muhammadiyah and NU’s involvement in Indonesia’s soft power and public diplomacy is generated by shared interests in reinstalling a moderate identity at home and abroad. In this vein, through dialogues, cooperation, humanitarian action, and the establishment of special branches and sister organisations, the two most prominent Islamic institutions in Indonesia have attempted to internationalise the best practice of Indonesian Islam, rooted sociologically and historically in tolerance, openness, and temperance. This paper discovers that, although confronted by some weaknesses and challenges, Muhammadiyah and NU constantly attempt to craft global networks of moderate Islam and to recenter Indonesian Islam as a new centre of Islamic civilisation. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/204 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.204 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 238-283 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/204/169 Copyright (c) 2023 Andar Nubowo https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Joko Widodo's 'Bebas-Aktif' Foreign Policy Approach: Continuity and Change Arifin, Saru Unlike his predecessors, Indonesian President Joko 'JokowiJ Widodo was unusually inward looking in his foreign policy approach in his first term (2014-2019). Jokowi often skipped important international diplomacy events, preferring to focus his energy on handling domestic affairs. It resulted in some observers lamented that his choice had degraded lndonesiaJs diplomatic standing internationally. Since the beginning of his second term in 2019, Jokowi has started to be more active in his foreign policy approach. He began to participate in international diplomatic events more than before) and even he has been more active in contributing to international affairs, including in contributing to promote peace. This article argues that foreign policy under the Jokowi presidency is the manifestation of continuity and change. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/205 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.205 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 318-340 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/205/171 Copyright (c) 2023 Saru Arifin https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Wearing the Niqab: Muslim Women in the UK and the US Nurhayati, Elis Wearing the Niqab: Muslim Women in the UK and the US, Anna Piela (New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021) This book is about narratives on various topics voiced out by niqab wearers in the private and public spheres, including in the mainstream media, in the United Kingdom (UK) and United States (US). Featured narratives include ones on religious agency, identity, social interaction, community, and urban spaces. The author, Anna Piela, situates the narratives in the social and political context in the two countries. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/206 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.206 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 341-344 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/206/172 Copyright (c) 2023 Elis Nurhayati https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia Syukur, Yanuardi Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia (London and New York: Routledge, 2014) Nils Bubandt, the author of Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia, discusses three important topics in this book: democracy, corruption, and the politics of spirits in contemporary Indonesian society. In exploring these three things, Bubandt discusses through the lenses of five objects: kyai, bloggers, politicians, sultans, and prophets. Bubandt also discusses the charm of democracy, the paradox of Indonesian democracy, the ‘ghosts’ of politics in democracy such as corruption, elitism, nepotism, and patrimonialism (the ‘meeting’ between the modern political system and traditional political culture rooted in past kingdoms), and secularism. Bubandt's discussion of these interesting themes is framed within the framework of a study of the world of politics and the world of jin/unseen worlds or ‘other realms’. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/207 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.207 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 345-351 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/207/173 Copyright (c) 2023 Yanuardi Syukur https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Foreword Vermonte, Philips J. Suryana, A’an This fourth edition of our journal is dedicated to discussing topics of international relations. This focus is timely, as the international community is grappling with seismic changes in humankind’s societies, politics, and economies. The Western world is facing a downward trajectory of human development due to aging populations, stagnant economic growth, and the rise of social and religious extremisms that threaten systems of democracy and meritocracy. All these changes are shaping not only government policies, but also the lives of billions of people across the world, and hence, their developments are necessary to follow. The Muslim world is not immune to the changes and must also adapt to the changes that occur both within the Muslim world and in the West. Some Muslim majority countries, such as Indonesia, continuously try to find their right position in the global world. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2023-12-22 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/212 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.212 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 2 No. 2 (2023); 137-139 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/212/167 Copyright (c) 2023 Philips J. Vermonte; A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Does Religious Identity Moderate Economic Voting? Evidence from Indonesia Budi, Arya Scholars have long suggested that economic voting is contingent on political factors, but how social identity contributes to such contingent economic voting has been overlooked. While the literature suggests the presence of direct function of religion on voting decisions, we are not sure about religion’s other functions. By treating religion as a social identity, this article seeks to uncover a moderating function of religion on economic voting. It draws on an embedded exit poll survey in Indonesian gubernatorial and mayoral elections in 2020, covering 9,400 respondents. This paper finds that the self-identification of religious identity moderates economic perception in the voting decision. Although the findings show strong evidence of economic voting, they challenge previous studies arguing that religion is a weak predictor in a new democracy with a Muslim-majority population. This paper contributes to the literature on economic voting and the role of religion in the voting decision. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/246 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.246 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 4-43 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/246/198 Copyright (c) 2024 Arya Budi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Hybrid Movements, Digital Technology, and the Rise and Fall of Far-Right Islamist Protest Mobilization in Indonesia Salma, Aqida Nuril What explains the rise and fall of far-right Islamist protest mobilization in contemporary Indonesia? The 2016-2017 Jakarta gubernatorial election witnessed significant growth in support for and mobilization of the far-right. While far-right Islamist mobilization has occurred regularly since the fall of the authoritarian Suharto regime in 1998, its longevity and impact on electoral politics has historically been limited. I maintain that the 2016 far-right Islamist protest mobilization was enabled and disabled by the dynamic relationship between hybrid media and hybrid movement strategies. Hybrid thinking serves as a platform for understanding the increasingly diverse and complex nature of Islamist mobilization, generating new ways of exploring some of the classic concerns of social movement studies and technology. Moreover, previous research on the far-right primarily focuses on electoral and party politics, while studies on social movements and technologies often fall into technological determinism, providing only a limited understanding of one of the most pressing issues of our time. This study proposes an innovative analytic strategy to understand the complexity of contemporary Islamist protest mobilization, creating a hybrid movement that effectively spans different movements, constituencies, and institutions, all coexisting within a hybrid media environment that deftly merges elements of old and newer media logics to influence participation, collaboration, and coordination in the spheres of social movements and protest politics. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/247 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.247 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 45-83 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/247/199 Copyright (c) 2024 Aqida Nuril Salma https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Al-Attas, Islamization and Pancasila: The Impact of Attasian Thought on Political Islam in Indonesia Lilly, Peter This article tracks the influence of specific ideas of the Malaysian Muslim philosopher Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas on Indonesian Islamic political thought. The primary focus of the article is to outline the impact that the adoption of specific concepts from Al-Attas have had on the trajectory of Indonesian Islamic thought and Islamist politics. In particular, it focuses on how the concepts of Islamization and de-Islamization of language has helped bring about a new discourse on the relationship between Islam, Pancasila, and the state. This discourse has been led by a number of Indonesian Islamic political thinkers who studied the thought of Al-Attas in Malaysia and who have subsequently returned to Indonesia, hybridising and spreading these new ideas, exerting a great deal of influence on the Islamist movement in Indonesia. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/248 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.248 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 84-116 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/248/200 Copyright (c) 2024 Peter Lilly https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Role of Muslim Rohingya Refugee Community-Based Organizations in Malaysia Khairi, Aizat The Rohingya refugee crisis has spurred the formation of community-based organizations (CBOs) among Muslim Rohingya refugees in Malaysia. This qualitative research explores the role and impact of these organizations within the refugee community. By employing a mixed-methods approach, including semi-structured interviews and content analysis, the study delves into the motivations, activities, challenges, and outcomes of Rohingya CBOs. The findings suggest that these CBOs play a critical role in bridging the gap between formal assistance and the unique needs of the Rohingya population in Malaysia. They offer vital services, foster a sense of belonging, and contribute to mental well-being. However, challenges related to resources and sustainability are apparent. This research contributes to a better understanding of refugee agencies and grassroots initiatives. It sheds light on the significance of CBOs as agents of change, amplifying the voices and actions of refugees themselves. The study's findings show that both policy and practice support and empower refugee communities. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/249 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.249 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 117-158 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/249/201 Copyright (c) 2024 Aizat Khairi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Why Do Religious Ideas Matter? The Multidimensionality of the Indonesian Public Sphere Darmini, Asep Muizudin Muhamad In this paper, I challenge the claim of the universalistic public sphere by providing contextual complexity of the national and local public sphere in Indonesia. In the original version of the Habermasian public sphere, people sat together in the salon and the café to exchange their ideas, sustaining the secular, capitalistic, and individualistic public sphere. However, further critics have shown the problems of putting secular ideas as the central force of the public sphere, particularly as it overlooks the complexity of the public sphere in religious contexts. These critics are particularly relevant to understanding the Indonesian public sphere in which the Muslim-majority population aims to dominate public life, as the religiously motivated political agenda has a further consequence for democratisation in Indonesia, which has been heralded as a prime example of harmony between Islamic values and Western democracy. At the same time, digitalisation has facilitated a religious revival in the national public sphere, combining religious sentiment within a highly individualised and digitalised society. This paper analyses the challenges of the digital divide in the local public sphere of pondok pesantren (Indonesian Islamic boarding schools). With a lack of digital access and democratic practices in day-to-day pondok pesantren life, communalistic religious practices have dominated the public sphere of these boarding schools. Within such complexity, this paper deliberates on how the local and national contexts in Indonesia shed light on the multidimensionality of the public sphere. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/250 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.250 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 159-188 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/250/203 Copyright (c) 2024 Asep Muizudin Muhamad Darmini https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Far Away but Similar: Peaceful Coexistence Models in Indonesia and Syria Kostanian, Ararat Successful social coexistence in countries with multiethnic and multireligious populations is rare. Scholars have used different approaches to find the theory that explains the key elements communities perform in reaching an environment of peaceful coexistence. In this regard, the previous theories give us a partial understanding of the successful peaceful existence amid rising conservatism in global scale. Drawing from Robert Putnam’s social capital theory, this article argues that peaceful coexistence in Syria and Indonesia has been successful due to several factors: the historical, trust and reciprocity, social network and the nationalist sentiment. The empirical research was done by analyzing academic, analytic, and historical data, conducting interviews, and fieldwork with community members in Syria and Indonesia. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/251 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.251 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 190-213 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/251/204 Copyright (c) 2024 Ararat Kostanian https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Is the Modern State Compatible with Islam? Zemoura, Nawal The Impossible State: Islam, Politics, and Modernity’s Moral Predicament. Wael B. Hallaq, New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. This book examines compatibility between the modern state and Islam. The author, Wael B. Hallaq, argues that the modern state, which are the result of the European enlightenment project, is incompatible with Islam because it lacks the moral and ethical standards sanctioned by Islam. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/252 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.252 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 216-219 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/252/207 Copyright (c) 2024 Nawal Zemoura https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Foreword Vermonte, Philips J. Suryana, A'an We believe that all management of academic journals want their respective journals to be the best in the world in their respective field of study. The management strives to achieve that position through various strategies, including inviting top scholars to write articles for their journals or even offering monetary incentives to attract more scholars to send their manuscripts to the journals. Each journal might have different emphasis in formulating and implementing the strategies. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-06-27 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/254 10.56529/mpr.v3i1.254 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 1 (2024); 1-3 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/254/243 Copyright (c) 2024 Philips J. Vermonte; A'an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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State-Sanctioned Hostility: The Instrumentalization of Mass Emotion Through Pakistan's Anti-Blasphemy Laws and its Impact on Christian Minorities Raza, Fatima Mass emotion plays a pivotal role in Pakistan's socio-political landscape, often acting as a catalyst for mass violence, particularly against minority communities. Negative mass emotion legitimizes sub-state violence and fosters a ‘herd mentality’, which perpetuates an 'us versus them' paradigm. This dynamic has had dire consequences for Pakistan's Christian minority, who have repeatedly been the targets of state-sanctioned hostility. This paper explores the origins of mass emotion that incites violence against minorities, especially Christians, within the context of Pakistan's anti-blasphemy laws. It illuminates how mass emotion incites violence against minorities, particularly Christians, in the context of Pakistan's anti-blasphemy laws. The case of Asia Bibi serves as an example of how these laws, manipulated by the state, can arouse mass emotion and incite violence. Furthermore, this paper examines how the Pakistan Supreme Court's discourse during Asia Bibi’s trial attempted to mitigate mass emotion by invoking ethical principles derived from the Prophet Muhammad's teachings on the treatment of Christians. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/299 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.299 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 45-75 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/299/280 Copyright (c) 2025 Fatima Raza https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Whose city is it anyway? – Contested Citizenship in Karachi Mirbahar, Hassan Nasir Karachi, a city of migrants, is a socially and politically polarized metropolis. Thus, it is mired with inter-ethnic conflicts. Each group claims their right to the city is superior to others’. Muhajirs claim that they made sacrifices for the creation of Pakistan and make up the majority; hence, they have more rights over the city than others. Sindhis see themselves as the Indigenous population, as they founded the port city, while Pashtuns and Punjabis suggest they brought much of the capital that fuels the city’s economy. These diverging claims result in the contestation over both city and citizenship in the city. This contested citizenship intersects with power politics in Karachi, marked by extreme violence and ethnic hatred. This paper evaluates the nature of contested citizenship against historical developments in Karachi. It argues that the divergent paths of each ethnic group, leading to same city, have created multiple competing claims on the city, resulting in one group cancelling the claims of the others. Ultimately, citizenship itself has become contested. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/307 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.307 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 222-249 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/307/245 Copyright (c) 2024 Hassan Nasir Mirbahar https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Democracy in Flux: Political Alliances and the Role of Religion in Indonesia and Turkey Syam, Mutmainna Home to approximately one-fifth of the global Muslim population, Indonesia and Turkey underwent democratization efforts in the early 2000s. However, two decades later, both countries are facing growing tendencies of neo-autocratization. Both countries also face challenges typical of liberal democracies, such as the rise of populist leaders, concentration of power, elite-driven politics, resource exploitation, and growing inequality. This paper analyzes how political alliances influence the reconfiguration of political parties in the two countries. Contributing to the literature on change and adaptation in democracies, as well as addressing the scarcity of comparative studies between Indonesia and Turkey, this paper poses the following questions: How are political alliances formed and structured in Indonesia and Turkey? What role does religion play in shaping these alliances? What are the implications of political alliances on democracy in both countries? In this paper, I show how, during political rivalry—especially in electoral competition—political alliances in Indonesia are formed suddenly within a messy landscape, while in Turkey, it is a gradual and slow process in which rigid ideological boundaries lead to alliances across ideologies. Both conditions contribute to autocratization tendencies, creating no real opposition in Indonesia and a relatively weak opposition in Turkey. In this process, religion is central in both countries and is intertwined with nationalism in different ways. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/308 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.308 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 250-288 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/308/246 Copyright (c) 2024 Mutmainna Syam https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Talukder Maniruzzaman’s Contribution to Political Studies in Bangladesh Islam, Md Nazrul Reza, S. M. Ali Professor Talukder Maniruzzaman (1938-2019) was a noted Bangladeshi Muslim political scientist who breathed his last at a Dhaka hospital on December 29, 2019. Maniruzzaman was one of the few early Bangladeshi academics whose research in political science has significantly contributed to the discourse on political theory, governance, and state-society relations, especially within South Asia. This article aims to present and review his contribution to political science research in Bangladesh. Maniruzzaman’s studies largely investigated the interconnections of colonialism, nationalism, and post-colonial state frameworks in Bangladesh and adjacent areas. His thesis critically examined the influence of colonial legacies on the contemporary political scene, highlighting the enduring nature of authoritarian governance and socio-economic disparities originating from colonial control. Maniruzzaman was particularly recognized for his examination of political instability and state repression in post-independence South Asia, contending that the inadequacy of political institutions in newly-established governments frequently arises from the absence of inclusive state-building processes. In his key work, he critiqued the political structures in Bangladesh, highlighting the shortcomings of its political class and their inability to democratize the nation. Maniruzzaman’s work explored the interplay between political movements, national identity, and democratic ambitions. He contended that a genuinely democratic state must be established on the principles of social justice and equitable development. His comprehensive research substantially advanced the knowledge of the difficulties of political systems in post-colonial states and their pursuit of democratic consolidation. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/309 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.309 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 289-327 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/309/247 Copyright (c) 2024 Md Nazrul Islam, M. Ali Reza https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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A case of failed ‘rehabilitation’? The biopolitics and geopolitics of military intervention in Libya Robson, Matthew This paper interrogates the biopolitics and geopolitics of the Western-led military intervention in Libya of 2011. The Foucauldian concept ‘dispositif’ is deployed to grasp how a network of different international actors, practices, discourses, and technologies of power were oriented towards biopolitically securing the Libyan population prior to the intervention. The paper takes as an example the development practices of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), which sought to secure the Libyan population through biopolitical technologies of governance like ‘human security’ and ‘human development’. The paper argues that it is the apparent failure of these efforts, as shown through stagnated democratization and liberalization under Muammar Gaddafi’s rule, which foregrounded the spectacular display of sovereign/biopower by Western governments during the military intervention. It is thus a failed ‘rehabilitation’ of the Libyan government, which led powerful Western governments to pursue their biopolitical and geopolitical objectives in Libya through more violent means. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/310 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.310 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 328-359 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/310/248 Copyright (c) 2024 Matthew Robson https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Power, Norms, and Trust: Interrelated Factors Impacting ASEAN Management of South China Sea Disputes Serey, Rithiya In 1992, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) officially recognized and called for a peaceful resolution to the South China Sea disputes. It has now been more than 30 years since it did so, but ASEAN has not resolved the disputes, resulting in economic and security problems in the region. This paper explores ASEAN’s ineffectiveness by showing the interrelationship between otherwise siloed sets of explanatory factors, such as material interests and the practice of ASEAN norms. In addition, it highlights the importance of the dynamics of trust, a rarely examined and understudied element in ASEAN diplomacy, based on documentary analysis and interviews with regional experts and officials. The paper offers a detailed empirical account of ASEAN diplomacy, and contributes to international relations literature more generally by theorizing the interrelationship between dependency, trust, and the practice of diplomatic norms. Most importantly, it provides the operationalization and application of the concept of trust in the South China Sea disputes, for the first time, to explain ASEAN's ineffectiveness. It demonstrates that social trust is an essential component of the background knowledge that constitutes ASEAN diplomats’ reflexive behaviors and practices toward conflict resolution. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/311 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.311 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 360-404 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/311/249 Copyright (c) 2024 Rithiya Serey https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Nahdlatul Ulama’s Strategic Role in Shaping Indonesian Foreign Policy Utama, Virdika Rizky This article analyses the strategic influence of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) on Indonesian foreign policy using constructivist theory and social identity theory as frameworks. It contends that NU's contributions are motivated by its intrinsic identity and principles, including the promotion of moderate Islam, rather than by external influences. This research utilizes the G20 Religion Forum (R20) and the ASEAN Intercultural and Interreligious Dialogue Conference (IIDC) as case studies to illustrate how NU capitalizes on its religious identity and principles to support Indonesia's diplomatic objectives of promoting peace, tolerance, and international collaboration. This study emphasizes the relationship between identity formation and policy results, illustrating NU as a crucial non-state participant in Indonesia's religious diplomacy. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/312 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.312 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 405-437 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/312/250 Copyright (c) 2024 Virdika Rizky Utama https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Foreword Vermonte, Philips J. Suryana, A'an To maintain our identity as an international journal, we strive to publish articles that are from a diversity of authors. We have fulfilled this endeavour in the previous editions of this journal, and this sixth edition of Muslim Politics Review (MPR) is no different. We are pleased that we are able to maintain this tradition. This edition of MPR consists of articles that cover topics across multiple countries: Pakistan, Bangladesh, Libya, Turkey, Indonesia, and Southeast Asia as a region. The writers, nationality-wise, are diverse as well: one Pakistani, two Bangladeshis, two Indonesians, one Westerner (a Caucasian), and one Cambodian. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/314 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.314 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 220-221 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/314/244 Copyright (c) 2024 Philips J. Vermonte; A'an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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On the Promise of Piety Adeed, Farah Khan, A. (2024). The Promise of Piety: Islam and the Politics of Moral Order in Pakistan. Cornell University Press. In an era when the dominant normative view is to confine religion to the private sphere, and when public displays of religious devotion are often perceived as an overabundance of emotion, indicating an absence of rational thought and potentially undermining social stability, an anthropologist's nuanced exploration of Islamic piety deserves social scientists’ careful attention. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/315 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.315 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 438-442 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/315/251 Copyright (c) 2024 Farah Adeed https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Young Indonesian Muslim Women (Not) Only Pursue Piety Haganta, Karunia Pious Girls: Young Muslim Women in Indonesia by Annisa R. Beta (London: Routledge, 2024) This book is a comprehensive initial study of the ideal construction of young Muslim women in Indonesia. In the Introduction, Annisa positions the ideal of young Muslim women in Indonesia not as something singular, but rather in contestation. This contestation has implications for at least two perspectives, which are seen further in the following chapters of this book. First, there are many ideals and constructions of young Muslim women, all of which are related to the socio-political conditions of society from at least three aspects: religious practice, market logic, and political life. Second, apart from through the contestation between existing constructions, young Muslim women themselves show their agency by defining these constructions and ideals themselves. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2024-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/316 10.56529/mpr.v3i2.316 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024); 443-448 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/316/252 Copyright (c) 2024 Karunia Haganta https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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From Words to Violence: Tracing the Trajectory of Dangerous Speech and Its Impact on the Ahmadiyya Community in Bangladesh Hossain, Md. Akmal Rahman, Muhammad Mahmudur This study seeks to examine the phenomenon of 'dangerous speech' and its connection to the violent acts perpetrated against the Ahmadiyya Community in Bangladesh. The Ahmadiyya Community, also called the Qadiani Movement, originated in the late 19th century in the Indian subcontinent and later expanded to Bangladesh in 1912. Despite this, Islamic clerics and many prominent political figures in Bangladesh adamantly refuse to recognize Qadianis as Muslims. This refusal has sparked riots, political violence, divisions, and electoral maneuvering in Bangladesh. This research employs the "dangerous speech framework" to delve into the underlying causes of violence against the Qadiani movement. Through rigorous content analysis and the examination of various secondary sources, this study contends that political violence and riots have been incited by "dangerous speech" disseminated by religious orators and political figures. Furthermore, it posits a plausible cause-and-effect connection between dangerous speech and violence against the Qadinai movement, suggesting that inflammatory rhetoric can lead to violent acts. Such acts of violence can have a profoundly detrimental impact on Qadinai communities, exacerbating their marginalization and discrimination within Bangladeshi politics and society. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/338 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.338 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 76-112 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/338/281 Copyright (c) 2025 Md. Akmal Hossain, Muhammad Mahmudur Rahman https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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The Role of Islam Religious Scholars in Politics haider, Syeda Dur e Nayab Usaama al-Azami’s Islam and the Arab Revolutions: The Ulama Between Democracy and Autocracy represents a significant contribution to the growing body of literature examining the political role of religious scholars in the modern Muslim world, particularly in the context of the Arab Spring. Published in 2022 by Oxford University Press, the book seeks to disturb centuries-old presumptions over the "apolitical" or "quietist" nature of most of these traditional ulama and instead lays bare how intimately involved they remain within broader systems of politics—either as the carriers of dissent or tools of authoritarian rule. Al-Azami’s work is distinguished not only by its bold argumentation but also by its nuanced methodology, combining textual analysis of sermons and public statements with broader theoretical reflections on Islamic authority, legitimacy, and political theology. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/373 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.373 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 218-222 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/373/286 Copyright (c) 2025 Syeda Dur e Nayab haider https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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How Philippine Nationalist and Neo-Imperialist Political Identities Influence Foreign Policy: Examining the Case of Palestine Kurdli, Susan Gonzales, Andre The discourse on the ongoing escalation of conflict in Gaza has signaled a shift in the stance of the international community on the question of Palestinian statehood. As discourses, and subsequently policies, shift, we investigate the sources and implications of specific policies. In this paper, we look at the Philippines, a democracy with a long anti-colonial history, and examine why its foreign policy has called out Israel’s crimes against Palestinians. In other words, why has the country maintained a foreign policy of following in suit of the United States (US), its former colonizer, in its support towards Israel? Moreover, what impact has this policy had on the Philippines' role in the international system? Using a constructivist lens, we critically review historical events to analyze the origins, components and implications of Philippine political identities, which then inform foreign policy decisions. In order to answer these questions, we first conceptualize the Philippines’ political identities focusing on two streams: nationalist and neo-imperialist. We then argue that the neo-imperialist current, made possible by the collusion of domestic political elites with the US, has facilitated a foreign policy that results in entrenched dependency on the US where the Philippines follows the dominant discourse dictated by the US on issues such as the Palestine-Israel conflict. This dependency has resulted in a vicious cycle where the Philippines suffers from a diminished role in the international stage through the depletion of its moral capital; in turn, reinforcing dependency. Examining this question is significant not just because of moral reasons but also because of the direct implications on the Philippines’ ability to exercise autonomy and use its power internationally. We adopt a multi-method approach consisting of historical analysis, process-tracing, and discourse analysis to trace the genealogy and contours of these identities. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/436 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.436 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 4-44 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/436/279 Copyright (c) 2025 Susan Kurdli, Andre Gonzales https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Synodality as a framework for Christian-Muslim Dialogue in Asia Baybado, Pablito A. In Asia, where Catholicism constitutes a minority religion except in the Philippines and Timor-Leste, Catholic Christians face the complex task of integrating into a culturally diverse and politically unstable landscape while preserving and asserting their distinct identity. This challenge mirrors the broader experience of minority religious communities coexisting with a dominant religion, particularly in contexts where the majority faith aligns with state or national identity. The interplay between the state and the majority religion often complicates integration efforts or deepens the isolation of the minority faith, while simultaneously fostering distrust among minority adherents toward both the majority and the state apparatus. Consequently, this majority-minority dynamic undermines initiatives aimed at dialogue and collaboration. The relationship between minority and majority religions is thus shaped by state policies and national interests, suggesting that the religious dimension of these intricate interactions is highly vulnerable to political discourses and movements, as explained in the theories of Antonio Gramsci. This article investigates these tensions through a comparative analysis of Christian-Muslim relations in the Philippines (majority Christian, minority Muslim) and Indonesia (majority Muslim, minority Christian). The analysis seeks to elucidate the critical factors generating friction within minority-majority dynamics and to assess the influence of state policies and national priorities on these interactions. The article explores potential avenues for mitigating these challenges through the implementation of the concept of synodality. Synodality is a process currently employed by the Catholic Church for its renewal and adaptation to contemporary demands. Synodality not only serves as a mechanism for Christian revitalization but also offers a robust theoretical framework for analyzing these issues, aiming to foster an effective interreligious dialogue that promotes mutual respect and cooperation across religious communities in Indonesia and the Philippines. By employing synodality as a relational paradigm, this study argues for the dismantling of the majority-minority binary, progressively eliminating barriers to authentic dialogue and collaborative engagement. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/437 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.437 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 113-147 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/437/282 Copyright (c) 2025 Pablito A. Baybado https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Islam-based Civil Society and the State: Muhammadiyah’s Engagement in Indonesian Local Elections Fanani, Ahmad Fuad Religious organisations in Indonesia often forge close relations with the state, political leaders, and party elites. They devote much effort to gaining support from the state in order to protect their institutional interests.  In this research, I consider Muhammadiyah’s relations with the state in the context of the organisation’s involvement in local politics and elections. I explore the nexus between institutional interest and epistemic influence, and the priority given to good state relations. This qualitative research uses data obtained through extensive literature study, analysis of election data, and in-depth interviews. This article argues that Muhammadiyah, as the second largest Islamic organisation with a vast network of educational, health and welfare institutions, places great store on having favourable links with the Indonesian state. Although rich in assets and financially secure, Muhammadiyah nonetheless requires access to state resources and goodwill from political and bureaucratic elites. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/438 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.438 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 148-183 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/438/283 Copyright (c) 2025 Ahmad Fuad Fanani https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Continuity and Discontinuity of National Roles in Middle-Power States: The Case of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy Hara, Abubakar Eby This paper examines the continuity and discontinuity of national roles adopted by middle-power states, with Indonesia as a case study. It focuses on two auxiliary roles linked to Indonesia’s master role as a regional leader. The first is Indonesia’s role as a promoter of democracy through the Bali Democracy Forum, a role that continued from the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014) to that of Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo (2014-2024). The second is Indonesia’s role in constructing a maritime cooperation framework under the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy initiated during Widodo’s first term, but which saw discontinuation in his second term. This paper seeks to explain why one auxiliary role persisted while the other did not. Drawing on national role conception theory, particularly the distinction between master and auxiliary roles, it argues that the sustainability of auxiliary roles depends not only on external expectations aligned with the master role, but also on internal legitimacy and support. In the case of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy, strong domestic contestation undermined the auxiliary role, despite its alignment with Indonesia’s regional leadership ambitions. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/439 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.439 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 184-212 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/439/284 Copyright (c) 2025 Abubakar Eby Hara https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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New Approach in Interreligious Dialogue Sought Ridwan, Ridwan Rethinking Interreligious Dialogue: Orality, Collective Memory, and Christian-Muslim Engagements in Indonesia by Izak Y.M. Lattu (Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill, 2023) This important book, published in 2023, explores interreligious conflict in Maluku, particularly in Ambon City, between 1999 and 2004, involving Muslims and Christians. What started as a trivial dispute between two young men of different religions and ethnicities (one a Muslim Bugis migrant and the other a Christian Malukan local) escalated into a deadly conflict. The conflict intensified, resulting in thousands of casualties and displacing around one million people in the region, alongside the destruction of 80 percent of infrastructure. As a result, the conflict in Ambon is intractable, with a history of past domination and inequitable conditions, changes in domination, and a complex mixture of economic, political, and cultural issues (Coleman, 2006). Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/440 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.440 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 213-217 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/440/285 Copyright (c) 2025 Ridwan Ridwan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Foreword Vermonte, Philips J. Suryana, A’an This seventh edition of Muslim Politics Review consists of diverse authors and topics. By nationality, the authors are two Filipinos, two Indonesians, one Bangladeshi author, and one author is Australian. We are pleased with this diversity because it enriches the perspectives being delivered to readers by the journal. The topics covered in this issue are also varied: three articles discuss majority-minority relations and how the state and community manage them; one is about the Republic of the Philippines’ foreign policy on Palestine and Israel; and another article is about the relationship between the state and a community organization in Indonesia. The final article is about the projection of Indonesia as a middle-power state. These diverse topics broaden readers’ intellectual horizons, as well as geographical ones. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-06-30 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/450 10.56529/mpr.v4i1.450 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 1 (2025); 1-3 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/450/278 Copyright (c) 2025 Philips J. Vermonte, A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Book Review: Islam in a Secular State – Muslim Activism in Singapore Sheikh Mohamad Farouq Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/454 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025) 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/454/311

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Book Review of Is the Bangladesh Paradox Sustainable? The Institutional Diagnostic Project Abdur Rahman The book Is the Bangladesh Paradox Sustainable? The Institutional Diagnostic Project, edited by Selim Raihan, François Bourguignon, and Umar Salam, delves into the puzzling question of how Bangladesh has managed to achieve sustained economic growth and social progress despite weak formal institutions and governance structures. The volume examines the "Bangladesh paradox" through a mix of empirical case studies and theoretical insights, highlighting that informal arrangements and sector-specific elite bargains have played a crucial role in the country’s development. The book challenges dominant theories of political economy, particularly the claim by Acemoglu and Robinson that inclusive institutions are necessary for development. The volume further explores key sectors such as the RMG industry, banking, taxation, land management, and the judiciar for understanding how adaptive governance mechanisms have compensated for institutional fragility. Despite Bangladesh's success, the book warns of the risks posed by rising inequality, climate change, and elite capture, suggesting that while informal institutions can sustain growth temporarily, they may not be sufficient in the long term. Overall, the book provides valuable insights for both scholars and policymakers on the complexities of development in Bangladesh. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/471 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025) 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/471/310

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Governing Religion: Colonial Legality, State, and the Case of Hijab in India Kiliyamannil, Thahir Jamal In March 2022, India’s Karnataka High Court ruled that the wearing of hijab by Muslim students was not an ‘essential religious practice’ under Islam. This raised a question of authority to interpret Islamic law, as the judges effectively decided what constitutes Islam legitimately and what does not. To trace the genealogy of these modes of governing religion, the paper examines three connected moments—the Karnataka hijab case, the Indian Constituent Assembly debates of 1946-1949, and the codification of Islamic law by the British colonial government—as instances in which the authority of the state emerges in judicial, constitutional, and colonial registers respectively. Across these sites, using genealogical method, this article shows how the state has continuously reorganized Islamic legal and ethical traditions into manageable forms, producing self-organizing Muslim subjects. I argue that the court’s capacity to define and limit Islamic norms is structurally embedded in the grammar of the modern state and its logic of governance, inherited and reconfigured from colonial techniques of defining and regulating religion. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/508 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.508 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025); 226-256 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/508/304 Copyright (c) 2025 Thahir Jamal Kiliyamannil https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Post-Conflict Political Dynamics in Aceh and Bangsamoro: Religious Symbols and Patrimonialism in Practice Huswatun Miswar, Syarifah Camral, King Alizon M. Post-conflict Aceh and Bangsamoro continue to face significant governance challenges marked by ineffective autonomy and the consolidation of religiously-grounded political authority. While special autonomy theoretically provides an inclusive framework for development, in practice, authority remains monopolized by elites who draw legitimacy from Islamic symbols. The rise of figures labeled as ‘abang-abang syar’i’ (male leaders who publicly represent Islam) demonstrates how public displays of piety are often intertwined with patronage, collusion and kinship-based power consolidation. In Aceh, widespread trust in religious scholars conceals an accommodative and hierarchical power structure, while in Bangsamoro, religious rhetoric is strategically deployed to distribute benefits narrowly within elite circles. This study adopts a comparative perspective and a theoretical framework integrating Islamic patrimonialism, moral politics, masculinity, and Islamic neopopulism. The findings suggest that religious symbolism primarily operates as aesthetic legitimation, while entrenched corruption and patronage networks continue to undermine inclusive, accountable, and socially-just governance. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/509 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.509 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025); 257-304 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/509/305 Copyright (c) 2025 Syarifah Huswatun Miswar, King Alizon M. Camral https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Faith and Empowerment among Bangladeshi Muslim Women Al Mamun, Md. Abdullah Hossen, Md. Nadim This study explores whether Islam in Bangladesh supports or restricts women's empowerment. Using qualitative analysis of peer-reviewed literature, policy documents, and digital content, the research examines how religious teachings, cultural norms, and social realities interact. Although Islamic teachings emphasize justice, consent, and women's economic rights, these ideals are often unevenly applied due to patriarchal customs, informal dispute parties, and selective religious interpretations. The findings show that practices such as wearing the hijab, praying, and studying the Quran help many women build discipline, dignity, and social capital, which strengthens their confidence, mobility, and voice. At the same time, the same religious spaces, both offline and online, can become restrictive through social monitoring, ‘religious vigilantism’, family norms, and barriers in the job market. While legal protections and systems such as microfinance create new opportunities, their impact often remains limited because of men’s mediation, institutional weakness, and poor enforcement. Overall, the study argues that women's empowerment should not be viewed only through a secular religious divide but through a faith-sensitive lens. It highlights the need for justice-based religious education, inclusive religious leadership, digital safety and literacy, and stronger implementation of legal rights. The findings suggest that religion can function both as a resource and a barrier, and its impact depends on factors such as class, location, disability, and access to digital platforms. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/510 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.510 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025); 305-336 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/510/306 Copyright (c) 2025 Md. Abdullah Al Mamun, Md. Nadim Hossen https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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When Piety is Framed as Threatening: The Hijrah Movement within the Politics of Religious Moderation in Indonesia Fansuri, Hamzah This article investigates how the hijrah movement in Indonesia – characterized by a return to Islamic pious practices, lifestyle changes, and global Muslim identity – is increasingly constructed as a security threat within Indonesia’s religious moderation agenda. Drawing on discourse analysis of state narratives, media portrayals, field research, and statements from mainstream Islamic organizations, the study finds that hijrah is framed not merely as a cultural or spiritual trend but as a potential conduit for ideological deviation and radicalization. Focusing on local responses in urban centers such as Jakarta and Bandung, it examines how the movement and its participants are positioned against state-sanctioned visions of moderate Islam. Using securitization theory and grounded Foucauldian analysis, the article argues that the state's discursive alignment of hijrah with extremism enables soft repression and delegitimization of non-violent yet non-conforming Islamic expressions. This securitizing logic risks narrowing Indonesia’s religious pluralism by stigmatizing identity-based piety, thereby undermining the very goals of tolerance and harmony that moderation policies claim to promote. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/511 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.511 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025); 337-375 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/511/307 Copyright (c) 2025 Hamzah Fansuri https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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When Religious Conservatism Intertwines with Anti-Scientism: Friday Prayers in the Time of Corona in Semarang, Indonesia Wijayanto, Wijayanto Adnan, Muhammad Iannone, Aniello Pribadi, Yanwar This article discusses the implementation of Friday prayers during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. It focuses on why Islamic preachers, mosque administrators, and religious leaders (ʿulamā) continued to hold congregational prayers despite appeals and even prohibition from the government, scientists, and Islamic organizations. By examining the contents of 67 Friday prayers’ sermons from 67 mosques in Semarang, Central Java, in-depth interviews with ʿulamāʾ, and journalistic reports, we argue that, firstly, a growing trend of religious conservatism influenced the reasons behind the performance of Friday prayers. Secondly, most Islamic preachers, mosque administrators, and religious leaders ignored scientists’ advice on appropriate COVID-19 health protocols. Finally, there was a sense of bewilderment at mosques, caused by poor communication and ambiguous messages from the government and Islamic mass organizations. All in all, these strong religious factors reflect the rapid growth of conservative forms of Islam in post-New Order Indonesia. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/512 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.512 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025); 376-410 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/512/308 Copyright (c) 2025 Wijayanto Wijayanto, Muhammad Adnan, Aniello Iannone, Yanwar Pribadi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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China's Soft Power in Indonesia: Eliminating the Remnants of Suharto’s US-Backed Anti-Communist Propaganda Nurcholis, Ahmad The paper examines the extent to which China's ‘soft power’ in Indonesia is effective in reducing negative perceptions of the anti-communist propaganda launched by the United States-backed Suharto regime during the Cold War. Using theoretical framework proposed by Joseph S. Nye and relevant theories from Joshua Kurlantzick, the study finds that China's soft power performance in Indonesia is significant. After years of harboring a negative image due to anti-communist campaigns, a new, friendlier image of China is emerging. This transformation is reflected by a 2025 Pew Research Center survey, which shows show that 65 percent of Indonesians have a positive perception of China. There are several dimensions of soft power I discuss in this paper, ranging from educational diplomacy such as providing scholarships for Indonesian students; religious diplomacy or ‘Islamic diplomacy’ with through Indonesia’s two largest religious organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah; and the establishment of Confucius Institutes on university campuses. These components were preceded by vigorous economic diplomacy by China, particularly during the Joko Widodo presidency (2014-2024), and were later reinforced by expanding Chinese digital diplomacy, which takes the form of entertainment and gaming platforms for young people, further distancing China from being perceived as a threat. Overall, this demonstrates how China’s soft power efforts have helped to mitigate the lingering negative perceptions of China linked to the Indonesian Communist Party of the mid-twentieth century. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Peer-reviewed Article application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/513 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.513 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025); 411-456 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/513/309 Copyright (c) 2025 Ahmad Nurcholis https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0

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Foreword Vermonte, Philips J. Suryana, A’an Women’s empowerment dominates this eighth edition of Muslim Politics Review [Vol. 4, No. 2, December 2025]. The edition’s first three articles discuss the challenges that women face in both culture and the political systems they live in, such as in India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Bangladesh. Discussing these challenges is important: women are increasingly assuming important roles in Muslim societies, particularly thanks to better access to education and work opportunities. At the same time, the dual pressures of women’s professional roles and traditional care roles such as being a mother present unique challenge. So, as more women shape social and political affairs in Global South countries, their roles deserve scrutiny in this edition of Muslim Politics Review. Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) 2025-12-29 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion application/pdf https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/528 10.56529/mpr.v4i2.528 Muslim Politics Review; Vol. 4 No. 2 (2025); 223-225 2964-979X 2829-3568 eng https://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/528/303 Copyright (c) 2025 Philips J. Vermonte; A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0