Muslim Politics Review is an international peer-reviewed journal published by the Faculty of Social Sciences of the Indonesian International Islamic University (UIII) that focuses on the multifaceted relationships between religion and political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies. The journal examines political dynamics within Muslim societies and their responses to global world. Broadly defined, the journal invites scholarly works dealing with theoretical and empirical issues on the domestic politics and international relations of the Muslim societies. It opens to both qualitative and quantitative works from all methodological standpoints. While the journal emphasizes the substantive works, it also welcomes research notes that address methodological challenges in studying the politics of the Muslim societies. Concurrently, Muslim Politics Review supports a broad research agenda aimed at building inter-disciplinary bridges with relevant areas and invigorating cross-disciplinary debate on the complexity of Muslim world. The Editorial Board welcomes scholars, researchers, and practitioners to submit scholarly articles to be published through this journal. All articles will be reviewed by experts before accepted for publication. Each author is solely responsible for the content of published articles. Muslim Politics Review has become a CrossRef Member since year 2022. Therefore, all articles published by Muslim Politics Review will have unique DOI number. P-ISSN: 2829-3568 E-ISSN: 2964-979X
Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)
“One Human Family” and Interfaith Greetings: President Prabowo’s Islamic Normativity vis a vis the Indonesia Ulema Council (MUI) Edict
This article examines how Islamic normativity is constructed and contested through interfaith greetings in President Prabowo Subianto’s address at the United Nations General Assembly and the 2024 Indonesian Ulema Council edict (fatwa) on relations with followers of other religions. Rather than treating interfaith greetings merely as polite formulas or as a simple halal-haram issue, the article analyzes them as symbolic practices located between state diplomacy and Islamic legal authority. Using a qualitative interpretive case-study design and directed qualitative content analysis, the study examines the official transcript of the presidential speech and the full text of the fatwa through four analytical categories: normative construction, rhetorical-diplomatic function, fatwa reasoning, and patterns of convergence and divergence. The findings show that Prabowo’s interfaith greetings and “one human family” rhetoric function as diplomatic speech acts that present Indonesia as a plural Muslim-majority state committed to peace, recognition, and global fraternity. By contrast, the fatwa constructs certain interfaith greetings as potentially devotional utterances that require legal-theological evaluation to protect Islamic monotheism (tawḥīd), worship boundaries, and confessional clarity. Together, the two texts reveal a dual-track configuration of Islamic normativity in which state diplomacy and fatwa authority share an ethical horizon of coexistence but diverge on the permissible symbolic forms of interreligious engagement.
Copyright (c) 2026 Ryan Bianda https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
al-Tajribah al-Miṣriyyah (The Egyptian Experience)
Jum‘ah, Ali. al-Tajribah al-Miṣriyyah (The Egyptian Experience). Cairo: Nahḍat Miṣr li-al-Ṭibā‘ah wa-al-Nashr wa-al-Tawzī‘, 2008. “The world we live in has changed,” emphasised Dr Ali Gomaa. Yet many continue to grapple with how to uphold their identities in a rapidly evolving modern world. In recent decades, various calls have emerged for the establishment of an Islamic state or the formal implementation of the Shariah (Islamic law). In Malaysia, the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) has remained particularly vocal, seeking to formally enact elements of Shariah through the criminal code in place of existing state ‘secular’ laws. [1] This political endeavour, which some have coined as the Shariatisation of the political discourse, has continued to rally support, particularly from religious conservatives, and bolster the party’s electoral presence. The community’s response to this initiative reflects how Shariah is perceived, especially in relation to the secular state. [1] Syaza Shukri & Norshahril Saat, Sharia versus Shariatisation in Malaysia: Which One Will Triumph?, Fulcrum: Analysis on Southeast Asia, ISEAS (Yusof Ishak Institute), 2024 https://fulcrum.sg/sharia-versus-shariatisation-in-malaysia-which-one-will-triumph/
Copyright (c) 2026 Muhd Abdul Mateen Hisham https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
The Muslim Politics Review (MPR) journal has been around for four years. We published our first edition on 20 June 2022, and this month (June 2026), we publish the ninth edition of the MPR. In the first edition, we published five articles and two book reviews. We subsequently increased the number of articles to six from five, and since then, we have consistently published six articles and two book reviews.
Copyright (c) 2026 Philips J. Vermonte, A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
When the Walls Come Down: Indonesian-Sino-Vietnamese Normalization and the End of the Asian Cold War
How did the Cold War conclude in the Asia Pacific? The European Cold War ended via a groundswell of social, political, and cultural movements concurrent with high-level U.S.-Soviet summits during the 1980s and early 1990s. By comparison, Asia terminated its Cold War in a more muted fashion. The Asian Cold War ended primarily through monumental maneuvers in the international political arena by surmounting ideological schisms, security dilemmas, and incongruous economic systems. Sino-Indonesian normalization came to fruition in August 1990, ending a 23 year-long freeze in relations. China and Vietnam fully restored bilateral relations in November 1991. The restoration of relations between Indonesia, Vietnam, and China pivoted the Asia Pacific away from Cold War-era confrontation toward progressively cooperative multilateralism at the dawn of the post-Cold War. Shifting structural mechanisms and power politics reshaped Indonesian-Sino-Vietnamese relations as the triumvirate addressed long-standing hostilities to reach meaningful economic, political, and security cooperation to anticipate the post-Cold War international order. The trio’s myriad diplomatic interactions during the late 1980s and early 1990s fused national interests with a mutual aspiration toward heightened regional autonomy, as regional actors asserted themselves more boldly amid a rapid recomposition of the Asia Pacific chessboard. The impact of the trilateral rapprochement reverberates into the present security and political configuration of the region.
Copyright (c) 2026 Dan McCoy https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
Pluriversal Politics and Transnational Regional Localization: Alternative Developments in World Societies
This article explores pluriversal politics as an alternative in contemporary politics and international relations which can help us understand contemporary Muslim societies and their challenges. The article explores the dynamics of transnational regional localization, where processes of localization, regionalization, and trans-nationalization meet in complex, creative, and emergent ways. Here, it examines the work of the Spirit of Bandung, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS), and calls for understanding emergent multi-alignment and multiplexity in our world, going beyond declining unipolarity and multipolarity. The article then discusses how contemporary world society calls for dialogues among religions, civilizations, cultures and civilizations to go beyond the contemporary logic and practice of domination and one-sided assertion. It brings the vision and practices of inter-religious and trans-civilizational dialogues to the discourse of pluriversal politics, international relations, world system studies and the multi-dimensional visions and practices of Muslim politics in our contemporary world. It also argues how regional and global formations such as ASEAN and BRICS need to focus more on inter-religious and trans-civilizational dialogues.
Copyright (c) 2026 Ananta Kumar Giri https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
Nested Dependency: President Joko Widodo’s Politics Strategy in Coopting Nahdlatul Ulama, 2014-2024
This article analyzes Joko Widodo (Jokowi)’s systematic strategy to incorporate Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)—Indonesia’s largest Islamic organization—into his efforts to ensure the stability of his presidency (2014–2024). Using Johannes Gerschewski’s three-pillar framework of autocratic stability—legitimation, repression, and co-optation—adapted to Indonesia’s democratic backsliding, this qualitative case study combines critical discourse analysis of presidential speeches and NU documents, process tracing of key political events, and interviews with two key informants familiar with NU–state relations. The findings identify three interconnected mechanisms. First, Jokowi used NU as a source of legitimacy by securing its institutional endorsement and framing NU as the embodiment of “moderate Islam,” encouraging grassroots political passivity. Second, NU functioned as a tool of symbolic repression against opposition Islamic groups—FPI, HTI, and the 212 movement—through the reinforcement of the moderate–radical dichotomy, delegitimizing dissent without direct coercion. Third, Jokowi co-opted NU elites through political appointments and economic enticements—including a 26,000-hectare coal mining concession and intervention in NU’s 2021 leadership contest—creating what this study terms “nested dependency,” a multilayered form of dependence linking elite, organizational, and grassroots levels. However, interview findings reveal that this dependency was temporally limited by presidential incumbency. As an institutionally pragmatic rather than patron-dependent organization, NU shifted its alignment toward President Prabowo after Jokowi’s departure, confirming that NU ultimately follows the presidency as an institution rather than any individual patron. This study contributes to debates on democratic backsliding and state–civil society relations in Southeast Asia.
Copyright (c) 2026 Faiz Ali Ba'agil, Achmad Ubaedillah, Savran Billahi https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
Recognition or Misrecognition? Investigating State Recognition, Structural Discrimination and the Struggle of Sunda Wiwitan in Indonesia
This paper investigates the politics behind recognition of freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) in Indonesia by examining the lived experiences of the indigenous Sunda Wiwitan community. The study highlights a persistent contradiction between constitutional guarantees of religious freedom and the continuing dominance of state-recognized religions within Indonesia’s legal and administrative systems. As a result, indigenous belief communities continue to face structural obstacles in accessing civil rights, education, religious services, and equal citizenship. These conditions demonstrate that FoRB is not solely an issue of individual rights violations, but also a broader problem of institutional recognition embedded in state regulations, public policies, and everyday social relations. This paper employs Nancy Fraser’s theoretical framework by emphasizing the concepts of misrecognition and maldistribution to examine the structural inequalities experienced by indigenous believers. The study analyzes how indigenous belief communities, particularly followers of Sunda Wiwitan, face not only cultural and institutional denial of equal status, but also unequal access to civil rights, public services, and social participation. Through this perspective, exclusion is understood as both a symbolic and material form of injustice embedded within state and societal structures. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, this research is based on long-term fieldwork conducted from 2017 to 2024 in several Sunda Wiwitan communities in West Java through participant observation, in-depth interviews, and document analysis. The findings reveal that FoRB in Indonesia remains strongly influenced by an “official religion paradigm,” limiting substantive equality and social inclusion despite a key 2017 Constitutional Court ruling acknowledging indigenous beliefs.
Copyright (c) 2026 Rakhmat Hidayat https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
Interreligious Marriage in Indonesia: Institutional Competition, Religious Monopolies, and the Dynamics of a Regulated Religious Economy
This article examines interreligious marriage (IRM) in Indonesia as a politically contested arena within a regulated religious economy, where religious institutions, state agencies, courts, and intermediaries compete and collaborate to control access to marital legitimacy. Rather than treating IRM as a marginal anomaly or purely doctrinal issue, the study conceptualizes it as a structured site of negotiation shaped by legal pluralism, institutional competition, and political interests. Drawing on religious economy theory, Griffiths’ distinction between normative and empirical legal pluralism, and Bourdieu’s concept of the juridical field, the article analyzes how authority over marriage is distributed and contested across overlapping institutions. Empirically, the study is based on qualitative fieldwork conducted between 2022 and 2025 in Jakarta, Surabaya, and Biak, combining interviews with interreligious couples and institutional actors with legal and policy analysis. The findings highlight that Indonesia’s marriage regime operates as a state-supported religious monopoly restricting supply, generating alternative pathways, and producing adaptive strategies such as conversion, dual rituals, customary marriage, and court registration. The issuance of Supreme Court Circular (SEMA) No. 2/2023 marks a significant shift, closing judicial avenues and reinforcing religious authority. Interreligious marriage thus provides a critical lens for understanding the intersection of law, religion, and politics in contemporary Indonesia.
Copyright (c) 2026 Muhammad Afdillah https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
When Piety is Framed as Threatening: The Hijrah Movement within the Politics of Religious Moderation in Indonesia
This article investigates how the hijrah movement in Indonesia – characterized by a return to Islamic pious practices, lifestyle changes, and global Muslim identity – is increasingly constructed as a security threat within Indonesia’s religious moderation agenda. Drawing on discourse analysis of state narratives, media portrayals, field research, and statements from mainstream Islamic organizations, the study finds that hijrah is framed not merely as a cultural or spiritual trend but as a potential conduit for ideological deviation and radicalization. Focusing on local responses in urban centers such as Jakarta and Bandung, it examines how the movement and its participants are positioned against state-sanctioned visions of moderate Islam. Using securitization theory and grounded Foucauldian analysis, the article argues that the state's discursive alignment of hijrah with extremism enables soft repression and delegitimization of non-violent yet non-conforming Islamic expressions. This securitizing logic risks narrowing Indonesia’s religious pluralism by stigmatizing identity-based piety, thereby undermining the very goals of tolerance and harmony that moderation policies claim to promote.
Book Review of Is the Bangladesh Paradox Sustainable?
The book Is the Bangladesh Paradox Sustainable? The Institutional Diagnostic Project, edited by Selim Raihan, François Bourguignon, and Umar Salam, delves into the puzzling question of how Bangladesh has managed to achieve sustained economic growth and social progress despite weak formal institutions and governance structures. The volume examines the "Bangladesh paradox" through a mix of empirical case studies and theoretical insights, highlighting that informal arrangements and sector-specific elite bargains have played a crucial role in the country’s development. The book challenges dominant theories of political economy, particularly the claim by Acemoglu and Robinson that inclusive institutions are necessary for development. The volume further explores key sectors such as the RMG industry, banking, taxation, land management, and the judiciar for understanding how adaptive governance mechanisms have compensated for institutional fragility. Despite Bangladesh's success, the book warns of the risks posed by rising inequality, climate change, and elite capture, suggesting that while informal institutions can sustain growth temporarily, they may not be sufficient in the long term. Overall, the book provides valuable insights for both scholars and policymakers on the complexities of development in Bangladesh.
Book Review: Islam in a Secular State – Muslim Activism in Singapore
When Religious Conservatism Intertwines with Anti-Scientism: Friday Prayers in the Time of Corona in Semarang, Indonesia
This article discusses the implementation of Friday prayers during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. It focuses on why Islamic preachers, mosque administrators, and religious leaders (ʿulamā) continued to hold congregational prayers despite appeals and even prohibition from the government, scientists, and Islamic organizations. By examining the contents of 67 Friday prayers’ sermons from 67 mosques in Semarang, Central Java, in-depth interviews with ʿulamāʾ, and journalistic reports, we argue that, firstly, a growing trend of religious conservatism influenced the reasons behind the performance of Friday prayers. Secondly, most Islamic preachers, mosque administrators, and religious leaders ignored scientists’ advice on appropriate COVID-19 health protocols. Finally, there was a sense of bewilderment at mosques, caused by poor communication and ambiguous messages from the government and Islamic mass organizations. All in all, these strong religious factors reflect the rapid growth of conservative forms of Islam in post-New Order Indonesia.
Copyright (c) 2025 Wijayanto Wijayanto, Muhammad Adnan, Aniello Iannone, Yanwar Pribadi
China's Soft Power in Indonesia: Eliminating the Remnants of Suharto’s US-Backed Anti-Communist Propaganda
The paper examines the extent to which China's ‘soft power’ in Indonesia is effective in reducing negative perceptions of the anti-communist propaganda launched by the United States-backed Suharto regime during the Cold War. Using theoretical framework proposed by Joseph S. Nye and relevant theories from Joshua Kurlantzick, the study finds that China's soft power performance in Indonesia is significant. After years of harboring a negative image due to anti-communist campaigns, a new, friendlier image of China is emerging. This transformation is reflected by a 2025 Pew Research Center survey, which shows show that 65 percent of Indonesians have a positive perception of China. There are several dimensions of soft power I discuss in this paper, ranging from educational diplomacy such as providing scholarships for Indonesian students; religious diplomacy or ‘Islamic diplomacy’ with through Indonesia’s two largest religious organizations, Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah; and the establishment of Confucius Institutes on university campuses. These components were preceded by vigorous economic diplomacy by China, particularly during the Joko Widodo presidency (2014-2024), and were later reinforced by expanding Chinese digital diplomacy, which takes the form of entertainment and gaming platforms for young people, further distancing China from being perceived as a threat. Overall, this demonstrates how China’s soft power efforts have helped to mitigate the lingering negative perceptions of China linked to the Indonesian Communist Party of the mid-twentieth century.
Governing Religion: Colonial Legality, State, and the Case of Hijab in India
In March 2022, India’s Karnataka High Court ruled that the wearing of hijab by Muslim students was not an ‘essential religious practice’ under Islam. This raised a question of authority to interpret Islamic law, as the judges effectively decided what constitutes Islam legitimately and what does not. To trace the genealogy of these modes of governing religion, the paper examines three connected moments—the Karnataka hijab case, the Indian Constituent Assembly debates of 1946-1949, and the codification of Islamic law by the British colonial government—as instances in which the authority of the state emerges in judicial, constitutional, and colonial registers respectively. Across these sites, using genealogical method, this article shows how the state has continuously reorganized Islamic legal and ethical traditions into manageable forms, producing self-organizing Muslim subjects. I argue that the court’s capacity to define and limit Islamic norms is structurally embedded in the grammar of the modern state and its logic of governance, inherited and reconfigured from colonial techniques of defining and regulating religion.
Copyright (c) 2025 Thahir Jamal Kiliyamannil
Post-Conflict Political Dynamics in Aceh and Bangsamoro: Religious Symbols and Patrimonialism in Practice
Post-conflict Aceh and Bangsamoro continue to face significant governance challenges marked by ineffective autonomy and the consolidation of religiously-grounded political authority. While special autonomy theoretically provides an inclusive framework for development, in practice, authority remains monopolized by elites who draw legitimacy from Islamic symbols. The rise of figures labeled as ‘abang-abang syar’i’ (male leaders who publicly represent Islam) demonstrates how public displays of piety are often intertwined with patronage, collusion and kinship-based power consolidation. In Aceh, widespread trust in religious scholars conceals an accommodative and hierarchical power structure, while in Bangsamoro, religious rhetoric is strategically deployed to distribute benefits narrowly within elite circles. This study adopts a comparative perspective and a theoretical framework integrating Islamic patrimonialism, moral politics, masculinity, and Islamic neopopulism. The findings suggest that religious symbolism primarily operates as aesthetic legitimation, while entrenched corruption and patronage networks continue to undermine inclusive, accountable, and socially-just governance.
Copyright (c) 2025 Syarifah Huswatun Miswar, King Alizon M. Camral
Faith and Empowerment among Bangladeshi Muslim Women
This study explores whether Islam in Bangladesh supports or restricts women's empowerment. Using qualitative analysis of peer-reviewed literature, policy documents, and digital content, the research examines how religious teachings, cultural norms, and social realities interact. Although Islamic teachings emphasize justice, consent, and women's economic rights, these ideals are often unevenly applied due to patriarchal customs, informal dispute parties, and selective religious interpretations. The findings show that practices such as wearing the hijab, praying, and studying the Quran help many women build discipline, dignity, and social capital, which strengthens their confidence, mobility, and voice. At the same time, the same religious spaces, both offline and online, can become restrictive through social monitoring, ‘religious vigilantism’, family norms, and barriers in the job market. While legal protections and systems such as microfinance create new opportunities, their impact often remains limited because of men’s mediation, institutional weakness, and poor enforcement. Overall, the study argues that women's empowerment should not be viewed only through a secular religious divide but through a faith-sensitive lens. It highlights the need for justice-based religious education, inclusive religious leadership, digital safety and literacy, and stronger implementation of legal rights. The findings suggest that religion can function both as a resource and a barrier, and its impact depends on factors such as class, location, disability, and access to digital platforms.
Copyright (c) 2025 Md. Abdullah Al Mamun, Md. Nadim Hossen
Women’s empowerment dominates this eighth edition of Muslim Politics Review [Vol. 4, No. 2, December 2025]. The edition’s first three articles discuss the challenges that women face in both culture and the political systems they live in, such as in India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Bangladesh. Discussing these challenges is important: women are increasingly assuming important roles in Muslim societies, particularly thanks to better access to education and work opportunities. At the same time, the dual pressures of women’s professional roles and traditional care roles such as being a mother present unique challenge. So, as more women shape social and political affairs in Global South countries, their roles deserve scrutiny in this edition of Muslim Politics Review.
Copyright (c) 2025 Philips J. Vermonte; A’an Suryana
The Ethics of Karbala: Myths, Modernity, and Virtues of Nobility
The Ethics of Karbala: Myths, Modernity, and Virtues of Nobility by Cyrus Ali Zargar is an intellectually rich and deeply moving thinking on the way the memory of the Battle of Karbala is still shaping Islamic ethical consciousness. Published in 2024, the book is one of the exemplars of the new generation of interdisciplinary Islamic studies that integrate traditional Islamic scholasticism, modern philosophy, literary criticism, and theology. Although the battle of Karbala is among the most passionately observed and emotionally charged events in the history of Islam, the book of Zargar does not just do that; he puts the story not merely as a historical tragedy, or a matter of theological argument, but as a source of ethics, as an element of life. It encourages the reader to consider virtue as a tradition, not something abstracts as a goal but practiced in the body to be aroused by recollection, ritual, poetry, and politics.
Copyright (c) 2026 Syeda Dur e Nayab Haider https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0
The Role of Islam Religious Scholars in Politics
Usaama al-Azami’s Islam and the Arab Revolutions: The Ulama Between Democracy and Autocracy represents a significant contribution to the growing body of literature examining the political role of religious scholars in the modern Muslim world, particularly in the context of the Arab Spring. Published in 2022 by Oxford University Press, the book seeks to disturb centuries-old presumptions over the "apolitical" or "quietist" nature of most of these traditional ulama and instead lays bare how intimately involved they remain within broader systems of politics—either as the carriers of dissent or tools of authoritarian rule. Al-Azami’s work is distinguished not only by its bold argumentation but also by its nuanced methodology, combining textual analysis of sermons and public statements with broader theoretical reflections on Islamic authority, legitimacy, and political theology.
Copyright (c) 2025 Syeda Dur e Nayab haider
New Approach in Interreligious Dialogue Sought
Rethinking Interreligious Dialogue: Orality, Collective Memory, and Christian-Muslim Engagements in Indonesia by Izak Y.M. Lattu (Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill, 2023) This important book, published in 2023, explores interreligious conflict in Maluku, particularly in Ambon City, between 1999 and 2004, involving Muslims and Christians. What started as a trivial dispute between two young men of different religions and ethnicities (one a Muslim Bugis migrant and the other a Christian Malukan local) escalated into a deadly conflict. The conflict intensified, resulting in thousands of casualties and displacing around one million people in the region, alongside the destruction of 80 percent of infrastructure. As a result, the conflict in Ambon is intractable, with a history of past domination and inequitable conditions, changes in domination, and a complex mixture of economic, political, and cultural issues (Coleman, 2006).
Continuity and Discontinuity of National Roles in Middle-Power States: The Case of Indonesia’s Foreign Policy
This paper examines the continuity and discontinuity of national roles adopted by middle-power states, with Indonesia as a case study. It focuses on two auxiliary roles linked to Indonesia’s master role as a regional leader. The first is Indonesia’s role as a promoter of democracy through the Bali Democracy Forum, a role that continued from the administration of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004-2014) to that of Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo (2014-2024). The second is Indonesia’s role in constructing a maritime cooperation framework under the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy initiated during Widodo’s first term, but which saw discontinuation in his second term. This paper seeks to explain why one auxiliary role persisted while the other did not. Drawing on national role conception theory, particularly the distinction between master and auxiliary roles, it argues that the sustainability of auxiliary roles depends not only on external expectations aligned with the master role, but also on internal legitimacy and support. In the case of the Global Maritime Fulcrum policy, strong domestic contestation undermined the auxiliary role, despite its alignment with Indonesia’s regional leadership ambitions.
Islam-based Civil Society and the State: Muhammadiyah’s Engagement in Indonesian Local Elections
Religious organisations in Indonesia often forge close relations with the state, political leaders, and party elites. They devote much effort to gaining support from the state in order to protect their institutional interests. In this research, I consider Muhammadiyah’s relations with the state in the context of the organisation’s involvement in local politics and elections. I explore the nexus between institutional interest and epistemic influence, and the priority given to good state relations. This qualitative research uses data obtained through extensive literature study, analysis of election data, and in-depth interviews. This article argues that Muhammadiyah, as the second largest Islamic organisation with a vast network of educational, health and welfare institutions, places great store on having favourable links with the Indonesian state. Although rich in assets and financially secure, Muhammadiyah nonetheless requires access to state resources and goodwill from political and bureaucratic elites.
Synodality as a framework for Christian-Muslim Dialogue in Asia
In Asia, where Catholicism constitutes a minority religion except in the Philippines and Timor-Leste, Catholic Christians face the complex task of integrating into a culturally diverse and politically unstable landscape while preserving and asserting their distinct identity. This challenge mirrors the broader experience of minority religious communities coexisting with a dominant religion, particularly in contexts where the majority faith aligns with state or national identity. The interplay between the state and the majority religion often complicates integration efforts or deepens the isolation of the minority faith, while simultaneously fostering distrust among minority adherents toward both the majority and the state apparatus. Consequently, this majority-minority dynamic undermines initiatives aimed at dialogue and collaboration. The relationship between minority and majority religions is thus shaped by state policies and national interests, suggesting that the religious dimension of these intricate interactions is highly vulnerable to political discourses and movements, as explained in the theories of Antonio Gramsci. This article investigates these tensions through a comparative analysis of Christian-Muslim relations in the Philippines (majority Christian, minority Muslim) and Indonesia (majority Muslim, minority Christian). The analysis seeks to elucidate the critical factors generating friction within minority-majority dynamics and to assess the influence of state policies and national priorities on these interactions. The article explores potential avenues for mitigating these challenges through the implementation of the concept of synodality. Synodality is a process currently employed by the Catholic Church for its renewal and adaptation to contemporary demands. Synodality not only serves as a mechanism for Christian revitalization but also offers a robust theoretical framework for analyzing these issues, aiming to foster an effective interreligious dialogue that promotes mutual respect and cooperation across religious communities in Indonesia and the Philippines. By employing synodality as a relational paradigm, this study argues for the dismantling of the majority-minority binary, progressively eliminating barriers to authentic dialogue and collaborative engagement.
From Words to Violence: Tracing the Trajectory of Dangerous Speech and Its Impact on the Ahmadiyya Community in Bangladesh
This study seeks to examine the phenomenon of 'dangerous speech' and its connection to the violent acts perpetrated against the Ahmadiyya Community in Bangladesh. The Ahmadiyya Community, also called the Qadiani Movement, originated in the late 19th century in the Indian subcontinent and later expanded to Bangladesh in 1912. Despite this, Islamic clerics and many prominent political figures in Bangladesh adamantly refuse to recognize Qadianis as Muslims. This refusal has sparked riots, political violence, divisions, and electoral maneuvering in Bangladesh. This research employs the "dangerous speech framework" to delve into the underlying causes of violence against the Qadiani movement. Through rigorous content analysis and the examination of various secondary sources, this study contends that political violence and riots have been incited by "dangerous speech" disseminated by religious orators and political figures. Furthermore, it posits a plausible cause-and-effect connection between dangerous speech and violence against the Qadinai movement, suggesting that inflammatory rhetoric can lead to violent acts. Such acts of violence can have a profoundly detrimental impact on Qadinai communities, exacerbating their marginalization and discrimination within Bangladeshi politics and society.
Copyright (c) 2025 Md. Akmal Hossain, Muhammad Mahmudur Rahman
State-Sanctioned Hostility: The Instrumentalization of Mass Emotion Through Pakistan's Anti-Blasphemy Laws and its Impact on Christian Minorities
Mass emotion plays a pivotal role in Pakistan's socio-political landscape, often acting as a catalyst for mass violence, particularly against minority communities. Negative mass emotion legitimizes sub-state violence and fosters a ‘herd mentality’, which perpetuates an 'us versus them' paradigm. This dynamic has had dire consequences for Pakistan's Christian minority, who have repeatedly been the targets of state-sanctioned hostility. This paper explores the origins of mass emotion that incites violence against minorities, especially Christians, within the context of Pakistan's anti-blasphemy laws. It illuminates how mass emotion incites violence against minorities, particularly Christians, in the context of Pakistan's anti-blasphemy laws. The case of Asia Bibi serves as an example of how these laws, manipulated by the state, can arouse mass emotion and incite violence. Furthermore, this paper examines how the Pakistan Supreme Court's discourse during Asia Bibi’s trial attempted to mitigate mass emotion by invoking ethical principles derived from the Prophet Muhammad's teachings on the treatment of Christians.
How Philippine Nationalist and Neo-Imperialist Political Identities Influence Foreign Policy: Examining the Case of Palestine
The discourse on the ongoing escalation of conflict in Gaza has signaled a shift in the stance of the international community on the question of Palestinian statehood. As discourses, and subsequently policies, shift, we investigate the sources and implications of specific policies. In this paper, we look at the Philippines, a democracy with a long anti-colonial history, and examine why its foreign policy has called out Israel’s crimes against Palestinians. In other words, why has the country maintained a foreign policy of following in suit of the United States (US), its former colonizer, in its support towards Israel? Moreover, what impact has this policy had on the Philippines' role in the international system? Using a constructivist lens, we critically review historical events to analyze the origins, components and implications of Philippine political identities, which then inform foreign policy decisions. In order to answer these questions, we first conceptualize the Philippines’ political identities focusing on two streams: nationalist and neo-imperialist. We then argue that the neo-imperialist current, made possible by the collusion of domestic political elites with the US, has facilitated a foreign policy that results in entrenched dependency on the US where the Philippines follows the dominant discourse dictated by the US on issues such as the Palestine-Israel conflict. This dependency has resulted in a vicious cycle where the Philippines suffers from a diminished role in the international stage through the depletion of its moral capital; in turn, reinforcing dependency. Examining this question is significant not just because of moral reasons but also because of the direct implications on the Philippines’ ability to exercise autonomy and use its power internationally. We adopt a multi-method approach consisting of historical analysis, process-tracing, and discourse analysis to trace the genealogy and contours of these identities.
Copyright (c) 2025 Susan Kurdli, Andre Gonzales
This seventh edition of Muslim Politics Review consists of diverse authors and topics. By nationality, the authors are two Filipinos, two Indonesians, one Bangladeshi author, and one author is Australian. We are pleased with this diversity because it enriches the perspectives being delivered to readers by the journal. The topics covered in this issue are also varied: three articles discuss majority-minority relations and how the state and community manage them; one is about the Republic of the Philippines’ foreign policy on Palestine and Israel; and another article is about the relationship between the state and a community organization in Indonesia. The final article is about the projection of Indonesia as a middle-power state. These diverse topics broaden readers’ intellectual horizons, as well as geographical ones.
Copyright (c) 2025 Philips J. Vermonte, A’an Suryana
Young Indonesian Muslim Women (Not) Only Pursue Piety
Pious Girls: Young Muslim Women in Indonesia by Annisa R. Beta (London: Routledge, 2024) This book is a comprehensive initial study of the ideal construction of young Muslim women in Indonesia. In the Introduction, Annisa positions the ideal of young Muslim women in Indonesia not as something singular, but rather in contestation. This contestation has implications for at least two perspectives, which are seen further in the following chapters of this book. First, there are many ideals and constructions of young Muslim women, all of which are related to the socio-political conditions of society from at least three aspects: religious practice, market logic, and political life. Second, apart from through the contestation between existing constructions, young Muslim women themselves show their agency by defining these constructions and ideals themselves.
Power, Norms, and Trust: Interrelated Factors Impacting ASEAN Management of South China Sea Disputes
In 1992, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) officially recognized and called for a peaceful resolution to the South China Sea disputes. It has now been more than 30 years since it did so, but ASEAN has not resolved the disputes, resulting in economic and security problems in the region. This paper explores ASEAN’s ineffectiveness by showing the interrelationship between otherwise siloed sets of explanatory factors, such as material interests and the practice of ASEAN norms. In addition, it highlights the importance of the dynamics of trust, a rarely examined and understudied element in ASEAN diplomacy, based on documentary analysis and interviews with regional experts and officials. The paper offers a detailed empirical account of ASEAN diplomacy, and contributes to international relations literature more generally by theorizing the interrelationship between dependency, trust, and the practice of diplomatic norms. Most importantly, it provides the operationalization and application of the concept of trust in the South China Sea disputes, for the first time, to explain ASEAN's ineffectiveness. It demonstrates that social trust is an essential component of the background knowledge that constitutes ASEAN diplomats’ reflexive behaviors and practices toward conflict resolution.
Nahdlatul Ulama’s Strategic Role in Shaping Indonesian Foreign Policy
This article analyses the strategic influence of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) on Indonesian foreign policy using constructivist theory and social identity theory as frameworks. It contends that NU's contributions are motivated by its intrinsic identity and principles, including the promotion of moderate Islam, rather than by external influences. This research utilizes the G20 Religion Forum (R20) and the ASEAN Intercultural and Interreligious Dialogue Conference (IIDC) as case studies to illustrate how NU capitalizes on its religious identity and principles to support Indonesia's diplomatic objectives of promoting peace, tolerance, and international collaboration. This study emphasizes the relationship between identity formation and policy results, illustrating NU as a crucial non-state participant in Indonesia's religious diplomacy.