Muslim Politics Review http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr <p align="justify">Muslim Politics Review is an international peer-reviewed journal published by the Faculty of Social Sciences of the Indonesian International Islamic University (UIII) that focuses on the multifaceted relationships between religion and political and socio-economic development of Muslim states and societies. The journal examines political dynamics within Muslim societies and their responses to global world.</p> <p align="justify">Broadly defined, the journal invites scholarly works dealing with theoretical and empirical issues on the domestic politics and international relations of the Muslim societies. It opens to both qualitative and quantitative works from all methodological standpoints. While the journal emphasizes the substantive works, it also welcomes research notes that address methodological challenges in studying the politics of the Muslim societies. Concurrently, Muslim Politics Review supports a broad research agenda aimed at building inter-disciplinary bridges with relevant areas and invigorating cross-disciplinary debate on the complexity of Muslim world.</p> <p align="justify">The Editorial Board welcomes scholars, researchers, and practitioners to submit scholarly articles to be published through this journal. All articles will be reviewed by experts before accepted for publication. Each author is solely responsible for the content of published articles.</p> <p align="justify">Muslim Politics Review has become a <a href="http://www.crossref.org/" target="_blank" rel="nofollow noopener"><strong>CrossRef Member</strong></a> since year 2022. Therefore, all articles published by Muslim Politics Review will have unique DOI number.</p> <p><strong>P-ISSN: 2829-3568<br></strong><strong>E-ISSN: 2964-979X<br></strong></p> Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII) en-US Muslim Politics Review 2829-3568 Foreword http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/212 <p>This fourth edition of our journal is dedicated to discussing topics of international relations. This focus is timely, as the international community is grappling with seismic changes in humankind’s societies, politics, and economies. The Western world is facing a downward trajectory of human development due to aging populations, stagnant economic growth, and the rise of social and religious extremisms that threaten systems of democracy and meritocracy. All these changes are shaping not only government policies, but also the lives of billions of people across the world, and hence, their developments are necessary to follow. The Muslim world is not immune to the changes and must also adapt to the changes that occur both within the Muslim world and in the West. Some Muslim majority countries, such as Indonesia, continuously try to find their right position in the global world.</p> Philips J. Vermonte A’an Suryana Copyright (c) 2023 Philips J. Vermonte; A’an Suryana https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 137 139 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.212 Before Westphalia: Imagining An Alternative Asian Globalization http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/202 <p>The world order as it is known and understood today was built upon the foundations of imperialism and colonialism. It must be acknowledged that the very epistemologies and vocabularies that we use in the domains of diplomacy, international relations and politics are part of the legacy of Empire as well. This paper asks, is it possible for us to rethink and/or re-imagine an alternative global system that reconnects with the realities of socio-economic and socio-political life across the Asian continent and the world of the Indian Ocean prior to the arrival of Western imperialism? And, if that is indeed possible, would this also open up new opportunities for us to imagine the manner through which we – as postcolonial Asian and African scholars and subjects – represent ourselves and the ‘Western Other’?</p> Farish Noor Copyright (c) 2023 Farish Noor https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 140 162 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.202 Shifting Politics Between Muslim States & Israel: From the Khartoum Declaration to the Abraham Accords http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/203 <p>The Israel-Palestine conflict has long hindered diplomatic ties between Israel and many Arab and Muslim countries. However, a significant shift occurred in 1979, when Egypt normalised relations, followed by Jordan in 1994 and the Abraham Accords in 2020. These normalisation efforts signal a move from pan-Arab stance against Israel, based on the 1967 Khartoum Declaration, to a regional partnership driven by Arab states’ national interests. Despite establishing diplomatic relations, the need to achieve lasting stability and peace in the region necessitates addressing the Israel-Palestine issue comprehensively. The existence of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel, ensuring safety for both Palestinians and Jews, is crucial. This imperative has become even more apparent in the 2023 Israel-Hamas war. Any renewed normalisation efforts between Arab states and Israel should learn from the precedents set in earlier waves of normalisation, but prioritising a better solution for the Israel-Palestine conflict is essential for the stability and peace in the Middle East.</p> Nazhath Faheema Copyright (c) 2023 Nazhath Faheema https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 163 207 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.203 Global Islam and Political Patronage: Examining the Rise of Muslim Politics in Cambodia http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/172 <p>This article seeks to study Muslim political activism in Cambodia, a predominantly Buddhist-Monarch state in mainland Southeast Asia that is often considered a semi-authoritarian regime. Cambodia’s Muslim community constitutes a minority. However, they have actively participated in formal politics, aligning themselves with both the ruling and opposition parties. This engagement has culminated in several Muslim individuals sit in political positions within the government. Additionally, high-ranking Muslims have cultivated close ties with government authorities and the monarchy. This article is grounded in fieldwork conducted during 2017-2018, complemented by up-to-date information obtained from desk research and online interviews with research subjects. This article argues that the current wave of Muslim political activism in Cambodia can be seen as a continuation of the historical patron-client relationship between Muslims and local rulers. In contemporary times, this relationship has evolved, manifesting as patterns of clientelism, with Muslims positioned within the political framework of Cambodia’s ruling party. In this context, Muslims receive protection and are ensured access to political participation. Moreover, this article emphasises the role of connections to the global Muslim world as a significant political asset, enabling Cambodian Muslims to exert a considerable influence on the nation's political landscape.</p> Khaidir Hasram Copyright (c) 2023 Khaidir Hasram https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 208 237 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.172 Promoting Indonesian Moderate Islam on the Global Stage: Non-State Actors’ Soft Power Diplomacy in the Post-New Order Era http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/204 <p><em>This paper investigates why and how Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) have engaged in the soft power diplomacy of Islam in post-Suharto Indonesia and how they mobilise their vast resources and networks to do so. The nefarious effects of radical extremism have invited the Muslim world, including Indonesia, to revert to the notion of Islamic moderation, a justly balanced Islam (wasatiyyat Islam), and to promote it nationally and globally. In this sense, both state and non-state actors, such as Muhammadiyah and NU, have pulled themselves into soft power diplomacy. Drawing upon the lens of soft power and public diplomacy theory, this paper finds that Muhammadiyah and NU’s involvement in Indonesia’s soft power and public diplomacy is generated by shared interests in reinstalling a moderate identity at home and abroad. In this vein, through dialogues, cooperation, humanitarian action, and the establishment of special branches and sister organisations, the two most prominent Islamic institutions in Indonesia have attempted to internationalise the best practice of Indonesian Islam, rooted sociologically and historically in tolerance, openness, and temperance. This paper discovers that, although confronted by some weaknesses and challenges, Muhammadiyah and NU constantly attempt to craft global networks of moderate Islam and to recenter Indonesian Islam as a new centre of Islamic civilisation.</em></p> Andar Nubowo Copyright (c) 2023 Andar Nubowo https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 238 283 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.204 The Global Maritime Fulcrum as A Strategic Narrative: A Critical Examination of Its Emergence, Conveyance, and Decline in Indonesian Strategic Discourse http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/150 <p>In 2014, President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo declared he would lead Indonesia, the most populous Muslim nation on earth, to become a ‘global maritime fulcrum’ (GMF). His announcement was taken as a sign of Indonesia’s commitment to be a more active participant in regional maritime security. This nascent maritime vision, however, suffers from endogenous flaws, ranging from personal leadership to widespread bureaucratic deficiencies, culminating in its recession from Indonesian political discourse. This paper seeks to understand how and why the GMF receded from political discourse through the lens of strategic narrative. It finds that technocratic appeal serves as a stronger legitimating method of the GMF compared to other forms, which is due to agential preferences aligning with domestic structural conditions, resulting in development narratives being favoured over maritime-related narratives. The relationship results in government priorities being skewed towards the infrastructure aspect of the GMF at the cost of the other aspects. To demonstrate this argument, this paper analyses an original dataset of 267 speeches and statements, both in English and Indonesian, delivered by key government officials related to formulating and implementing the GMF concept from 2014 to 2021, in addition to relevant policy documents.</p> I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia Copyright (c) 2023 I Gusti Bagus Dharma Agastia https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 284 317 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.150 Joko Widodo's 'Bebas-Aktif' Foreign Policy Approach: Continuity and Change http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/205 <p>Unlike his predecessors, Indonesian President Joko 'JokowiJ Widodo was unusually inward looking in his foreign policy approach in his first term (2014-2019). Jokowi often skipped important international diplomacy events, preferring to focus his energy on handling domestic affairs. It resulted in some observers lamented that his choice had degraded lndonesiaJs diplomatic standing internationally. Since the beginning of his second term in 2019, Jokowi has started to be more active in his foreign policy approach. He began to participate in international diplomatic events more than before) and even he has been more active in contributing to international affairs, including in contributing to promote peace. This article argues that foreign policy under the Jokowi presidency is the manifestation of continuity and change.</p> Saru Arifin Copyright (c) 2023 Saru Arifin https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 318 340 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.205 Wearing the Niqab: Muslim Women in the UK and the US http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/206 <p>Wearing the Niqab: Muslim Women in the UK and the US,</p> <p>Anna Piela (New York: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021)</p> <p>This book is about narratives on various topics voiced out by <em>niqab</em> wearers in the private and public spheres, including in the mainstream media, in the United Kingdom (UK) and United States (US). Featured narratives include ones on religious agency, identity, social interaction, community, and urban spaces. The author, Anna Piela, situates the narratives in the social and political context in the two countries.</p> Elis Nurhayati Copyright (c) 2023 Elis Nurhayati https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 341 344 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.206 Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia http://journal.uiii.ac.id/index.php/mpr/article/view/207 <p>Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia (London and New York: Routledge, 2014)</p> <p>Nils Bubandt, the author of <em>Democracy, Corruption and the Politics of Spirits in Contemporary Indonesia</em>, discusses three important topics in this book: democracy, corruption, and the politics of spirits in contemporary Indonesian society. In exploring these three things, Bubandt discusses through the lenses of five objects: <em>kyai</em>, bloggers, politicians, sultans, and prophets. Bubandt also discusses the charm of democracy, the paradox of Indonesian democracy, the ‘ghosts’ of politics in democracy such as corruption, elitism, nepotism, and patrimonialism (the ‘meeting’ between the modern political system and traditional political culture rooted in past kingdoms), and secularism. Bubandt's discussion of these interesting themes is framed within the framework of a study of the world of politics and the world of <em>jin</em>/unseen worlds or ‘other realms’.</p> Yanuardi Syukur Copyright (c) 2023 Yanuardi Syukur https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 2023-12-22 2023-12-22 2 2 345 351 10.56529/mpr.v2i2.207